What is motivation?

P A R T O N E

Introduction and History

What is motivation? Chapter 1 contains a description of motivation as the process by which a person is moved into action. Motivation can originate from internal sources, de- scribed as biological and psychological variables, and from external sources, such as in- centives and goals. Emotions are a special case of an internal source of motivation. Internal sources developed during our common evolutionary history, and during an individual’s unique personal history, while the external sources refer to what is available in the envi- ronment. The source of motivation determines specific behavior as if the person had no choice in the matter. As the philosopher Spinoza (1677) wrote long ago, “The knowledge of an effect depends on and involves the knowledge of a cause.” The effect is the behavior and the cause is the source of motivation. How do we come to know all of this? Psycholo- gists use the scientific method in order to identify with the greatest confidence the sources of motivated behavior. This endeavor involves experimental and correlational research.

What ideas from history shed light on the process of motivation? Chapter 2 describes he- donism, Darwin’s theory of evolution, and Sigmund Freud’s theory of unconscious motivation. Hedonism refers to the anticipation of pleasure and pain as the motivation for approach and avoidance behavior. Philosophers state that people strive to maintain a positive hedonic balance—that is, in the long run positive feelings exceed negative ones. Individuals differ, how- ever, in what provides pleasure and pain. The process of evolution fashioned human nature, which refers to psychological mechanisms and universal motives—that is, motives possessed by every human. Psychological mechanisms also determine what incentives we have in common.

Freud’s theory of unconscious motivation made psychologists realize that people are not always aware of those events that motivate their behavior. Furthermore, the motivation of behavior is the result of a process rather than of a static event. Only the outcome of the process reaches consciousness, not the process itself. For instance, a person can feel a phys- ical attraction for another but not be aware of the process that gave rise to that attraction.

The cumulative effects of evolutionary history and personal history reside within the individual as physiological or psychological motives and as a value system that places dif- ferent weights on the importance of different incentives. The future, in contrast, is repre- sented by our anticipation of incentives and goals. Early psychologists recognized that motives and incentives are complementary like hunger and food, the power motive and po- litical office, fear and a dangerous situation, or the value placed on money and a paycheck. More intense motives and greater incentives combine to increase motivational strength. Historically, emotion was the outward expression along affective, physiological, and facial channels in order to prepare us for action that serves the aim of the emotion. Emotions were seen as providing the impulses for thoughts and actions.

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C H A P T E R

1 Introduction to Motivationand Emotion “There’s no free will,” says the philosopher; “to hang is most unjust.” “There is no free will,” assents the officer; “we hang because we must.”

—Ambrose Bierce, 1911

Either our actions are determined, in which case we are not responsible for them, or they are the result of random events, in which case we are not responsible for them.

—Hume’s Fork

■ In order to prepare the groundwork regarding the concepts of motivation and emotion, con- sider these questions:

1. What is the definition of motivation?

2. What is the difference between motives and incentives?

3. Are there different sources of motivation?

4. How is motivation reflected in thinking and behaving?

5. What is emotion? How does it motivate behavior?

6. How is research conducted in motivation and emotion?

Meaning of Motivation When their train engine broke down in the story The Little Engine That Could, the toy dolls asked various passing engines if they would pull their train the remaining distance over the mountain to the next town. Shiny New Engine came, and the dolls asked it to pull their train over the mountain. Shiny New Engine replied, “I pull the likes of you? Indeed not!” Later, Big Strong Engine came by, and the dolls asked it to pull their train over the mountain. Big Strong Engine very importantly said, “I won’t pull the likes of you!” Subsequently, Rusty Old Engine chugged by, and the dolls asked it for help. Rusty Old Engine complained of being tired and answered, “I cannot.” Soon Little Blue Engine passed along. Although not very strong, it was moved by the tearful pleading of the dolls and importance of getting the goods on the train to the town. While working hard going up the mountain, Little Blue Engine repeated the famous line “I think I can” over and over, and on achieving the goal,

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finished by saying “I thought I could” over and over (Piper, 1954/1961). The difference among the engines illustrates the differences between could (can) and would (will). Shiny New Engine and Big Strong Engine undoubtedly could but would not; they were not motivated to do the job. They were not moved by the pleading of the toy dolls or by the incentive of getting the goods over the mountain. Rusty Old Engine perhaps would but could not. It may have been motivated to do the job but lacked the capability to do so. Only Little Blue Engine both could and, more importantly, would. It was both capable and motivated to do so.

The purpose of this section is to consider the issues surrounding the definition of motivation. Is the motivation of behavior linked to internal events like wants and desires, as well as external events that pull or repel? Are nonmotivational ingredients like ability and knowledge also necessary for behavior?

To Be Moved into Action Consider the implication for motivation of the following statements:

Hunger drives a person to raid the refrigerator for food. Music provides the impulse to dance. The residence hall students enjoyed playing volleyball Sunday afternoon. If you pay your credit card bill on time, then you will avoid an interest payment. Students attend classes at the university in order to earn a bachelor’s degree.

The individuals in these examples who ate, danced, played volleyball, paid their bills on time, and attended classes were motivated to do so. Individuals who did not were not motivated to do so or were motivated to do something else. To be motivated is to be moved into action, or to decide on a change in action, according to the philosopher Arthur Schopen- hauer (1841/1960). He was one of the first to speculate on the relationship between motiva- tion and behavior. Action or behavior does not occur spontaneously but is induced by either internal motives or environmental incentives. According to Atkinson (1958/1983) and McClelland (1987), a motive is a person’s internal disposition to be concerned with and ap- proach positive incentives and avoid negative incentives. An incentive is the anticipated re- ward or aversive event available in the environment. A motive is linked to an incentive, since attaining an incentive is the goal of a person’s motive (Atkinson, 1958/1983; McClelland, 1987). Hunger is a motive for eating. An interest charge is the incentive for timely bill pay- ing, and a bachelor’s degree is the incentive for attending classes. Sometimes, however, the distinction between motives and incentives is not clearly maintained. For example, in a mur- der mystery, detectives may ask, “What was the perpetrator’s motive?” when they meant to say, “What was the incentive for committing the crime?” In other instances, it is difficult to specify the exact source that moves an individual into action: motive or incentive. To illus- trate, is pleasure the motive for dancing and is music its incentive? In a volleyball game is the thrill of competition the motive and is winning the incentive? Keep in mind that in trying to understand what motivates behavior sometimes psychologists emphasize internal sources or motives, while at other times they emphasize environmental sources or incentives.

The link between incentives and motives was also anticipated by Schopenhauer (1841/1960), who maintained that it is not possible simply to be motivated. It would make no sense if an individual were to say, “I am motivated.” Motivated to do what or for what?

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Motives Physiological needs Psychological needs

External objects Incentives Goals

FIGURE 1.1 Motivation as a Journey. Motives push the train to its destination and external tan- gible objects pull the train to its destination—that is, the end-state. Similarly, motives push a per- son toward some end-state while external incentives pull a person toward the end-state.

People are always motivated toward something or away from something. In the opening examples individuals were motivated toward eating, dancing, enjoyment, and a bachelor’s degree, and they were motivated away from making an interest payment.

Push and Pull. This section presents a push/pull metaphor that will help clarify the distinction between motive and incentive, as well as their connection. Little Blue Engine’s journey over the mountain to the next town illustrates both the push and pull aspects of mo- tivation. Motivated behavior results from a person being pushed and pulled toward some end- state (see Figure 1.1). Internal dispositions referred to as motives (desire, want, longing) push individuals toward some end; for example, Little Blue Engine’s desire pushed it toward the next town. External objects, referred to as incentives and goals, pull individuals toward an end-state; for example, the dolls’ pleadings and the importance of the town pulled Little Blue Engine. For human motivation, biological and psychological motives push an individual into action while environmental prospects like incentives and goals pull an individual.

Figure 1.2 illustrates push/pull motivation with a motive for food, a motive to belong, and the goal of a university degree. The biological need for food (hunger) motivates people to eat. Hunger pushes an individual toward places where food is available. The strength of the motive to belong determines the amount of time an individual relates to others. This psychological need pushes people toward others in order to affiliate with them. The goal value of a university degree determines the degree of academic effort that students put forth. Academic behaviors are the means by which students are pulled toward a university degree.

Some refinements are necessary for the push/pull concept of motivation. Individuals are not pushed or pulled at random but instead are directed toward specific ends. A person’s internal disposition specifies the nature of this end-state. Internal dispositions may consist of biological motives like hunger, psychological motives like the need to belong, or a value system that confers worth on a university degree. Figure 1.2 illustrates that hunger pushes a person toward food and a belonging-need pushes a person toward people. In addition, a per- son’s values determine the pulling power of a particular incentive or goal, such as the value placed on a university degree. Either by push, pull, or their combination, individuals are mo- tivated toward the appropriate end where motives and incentives become linked together. There, for example, eating satisfies hunger, relating to others fulfills the need to belong, and completing university requirements achieves the goal of graduation.

Emotions as Motives. Emotions are a special case of push motivation. For example, fear, anger, disgust, and sadness push individuals toward end-states defined by the aim of the

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emotion. One definition describes emotion as “a universal, functional reaction to an external stimulus event, temporarily integrating physiological, cognitive, phenomenologi- cal, and behavioral channels that facilitate fitness-enhancing, environment-shaping responses to the current situation” (Keltner & Shiota, 2003, p. 89). First, notice that several channels or response variables are motivated to occur in an integrated manner in order to achieve the aim of the emotion. An emotion involves physiological changes that make behavior possible while it also guides thought processes and provides the “feel” of the emo- tion. Second, the integrated set of responses is designed to aid survival as individuals deal with environmental demands, such as danger, a blocked goal, or a significant loss. Finally, emotions are universal, which implies that all people experience them similarly.

What Motivates Behavior? What pushes or pulls a person toward the end of a motivational sequence? How does hunger and the belonging motive push a person? How does a university degree pull a student? Does motivation stem from material stimuli (incentives), consumma- tory behavior with those stimuli, or accompanying subjective feelings? In Figure 1.2, food, people, and a university degree are the incentives that motivate people. The end of the moti- vation sequences is also marked by consummatory (to consummate � to finish) behavior, which signals the end of the motivational sequence. The consummatory behaviors in Figure 1.2 are eating, affiliating with others, or receiving a university degree. Subjective feelings that accompany consummatory behavior may also serve as the basis for motivation, such as the pleasure of eating, the happiness derived from relating to others, and the pride felt upon graduation.

Energy for Motivation. To be motivated—that is, to be moved to behave or to think— assumes a supply of energy. Without energy to power muscles and the neurons of the brain,

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PUSHBiological need for food

Palatable food Eat Pleasure of eating

Different people Belonging, affiliating Satisfaction from belonging

PUSHPsychological need to belong

Degree Graduating Pride from graduating

Incentive value of a university degree

FIGURE 1.2 Push/Pull Motivation. Motives like biological needs and psychological needs act like push motivation while external incentives and goals act like pull motivation.

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motivation is impossible.An event that motivates behavior or thought is one that also releases stored energy that makes behavior and thought possible. Psychological and physical energy are the two major categories of energy for motivation. Psychological energies or mental energies have gone by the names cathexis, self-regulation energy, adaptation energy, and processing resources. Cathexis refers to the accumulation of energy within the brain’s neu- rons as hypothesized in 1895 by Sigmund Freud (Wolman, 1984). Behavior occurs when neurons are able to achieve a lower level of energy. This process of cathexis is accompanied by pleasure. Thus, cathexis serves as both a source of energy and as a motive for behavior. Adaptation energy was coined by Hans Selye (1976), the founder of the stress concept. He assumed the body possessed a certain amount of adaptation energy that could be used to overcome stress. Over a lifetime, humans experience a wide variety of stressors. The body’s ability to adapt depends upon the amount of available adaptation energy. When a person’s adaptation energy runs out, according to Selye, motivation and life cease. Self- regulation or self-control resembles energy that is presumably used for initiating or inhibit- ing behaviors. For example, if psychological energy is used to resist temptation, then less energy should be available to complete some other psychological task (Baumeister et al., 1998). Processing resources are those capacities that allow the mind to carry out operations that are necessary for the motivation of behavior. Information from the environment im- pinges on the human senses and is briefly held in sensory memory where some of it is selected and sent along for further processing. The incoming information is combined with other knowledge that is retrieved from long-term memory. The combined information provides the basis for developing preferences, making decisions, developing goals, and eventually taking action.

Physical energy, in contrast to psychological energy, has a material existence. It exists mainly in the form of glucose, which powers the brain and muscles. Without glu- cose, motivation would not be possible. When muscles run low on glucose an individual feels fatigued and is inclined to rest. The brain is a voracious user of energy and consumes proportionately way more glucose than the rest of the body. In order to function, the brain utilizes 25% of all glucose yet it comprises only 2% of the body’s weight (Magistretti, 1999). There are instances when certain areas of the brain require more energy than oth- ers just as our legs use more energy than our arms do when bicycling. For example, part of information processing requires the formation of memories. When young and old rats learn a maze, glucose is used for energy in that part of the brain responsible for laying down memories. In the case of older rats, when their supply of glucose runs low, their memory for the maze becomes impaired (McNay et al., 2000; McNay & Gold, 2002; McNay et al., 2006).

Knowledge, Competence, and Motivation A student may be motivated to obtain summer employment to pay tuition, to earn a uni- versity degree, and to eventually become a practicing psychologist, but being motivated is not the sole factor for these events to be realized. The student must also know how to accomplish these goals and be capable of doing so. Cognitive knowledge is important because it enables the individual to evaluate incentives, understand how to attain them, and assess the chances of success. Competence means being capable of performing the behavior necessary to achieve a desired end. Thus, a person may fail to accomplish a task

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because she did not know how, was not able, or was not motivated to do so. For instance, what determines whether a person makes his bed in the morning? Bed making depends on three factors: knowledge, competence, and motivation. Knowledge implies that a per- son knows how to perform the behavior and knows the goal of the behavior. A person must know how to do the tasks of bed making, such as straightening the covers and tuck- ing in the sheets. Competence implies being able to execute the behavior. An individual may not be capable of making the top bed of a triple bunk even if he possesses the knowl- edge. Nevertheless, even if a person has the knowledge and competence, the bed will still not be made if there is no motivation to do so. Motivation is the impetus or reason for do- ing the behavior; it initiates the action. So, did you make your bed this morning? If not, the reason is most likely a lack of motivation and probably not a lack of knowledge or capability. In the study of motivation, we assume that an animal or a person has the knowledge and competence to perform the behavior. Whether the behavior occurs, however, depends on motivation.

Section Recap To be motivated means to be induced or moved into action or thought by either the push of a motive or the pull of an incentive. A motive is an internal disposition that pushes an indi- vidual toward some desired end, which is the incentive. An incentive is a valued feature of the environment that pulls an individual toward it. Emotions push an individual along mul- tiple channels (affect, physiology, behavior) in order to adapt to the environment. The phys- ical features of the incentives, consummatory behavior with the incentive, or accompanying psychological feelings all contribute to motivation. Although motives and incentives are the causes of behavior, psychological (mental) energy or physical energy (glucose) are neces- sary to actually power behavior or thought. In addition to motivation, knowledge and com- petence are also necessary if behavior is to occur. The study of motivation concerns the relation between motives, incentives, and behavioral acts.

Sources of Motivation Motivation stems from the sequence of events that moves from motives or anticipated in- centives to end-states where motives are satisfied or incentives are attained. In order to un- derstand how motivation works, scientists sometimes concentrate on a person’s internal dispositions (motives) and sometimes on external incentives. In Figure 1.2 internal dispo- sitions are hunger, the need to belong, and the value system about a university degree. The external incentives are palatable food, nice people, and opportunities provided by a univer- sity degree. Internal dispositions that push are classified either as biological variables or as psychological variables while external sources that pull the person are labeled environmental variables—that is, as incentives and goals. These variables compose the title of this book.

The purpose of this section is to explore the various sources of motivation: biological and psychological sources that stem from our common evolutionary past and each indi- vidual’s own past and external sources that take the form of incentives or goals that attract or repel.

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Internal Sources A person’s biological attributes (variables) and psychological dispositions (variables) determine what will be motivating.

Biological Variables. Biological variables refer to material characteristics of the body and brain that serve to motivate behavior. Hunger in Figure 1.2 as a biological variable cor- relates with a particular state of the human body, such as little food in the stomach, a rapid decline in blood glucose, and the interplay among various hormones. As a general rule, as biological indicators of hunger increase, the motivation for acquiring, preparing, and eating food increases.

As an illustration of the effects of a specific biological variable on motivation, con- sider the influence that ghrelin has on hunger. Ghrelin is a hormone that is released in the stomach and promotes hunger and eating. This hormone travels in the bloodstream, is high before meals, and decreases after eating (Cummings et al., 2004). In one experiment, Wren and coresearchers (2001) injected ghrelin into the bloodstream of one group of partici- pants. Then they injected saline (placebo) into another group. In order to determine the ef- fects of ghrelin, participants rated their hunger and then were provided a buffet lunch during which they could eat as much as they wanted. The results indicate that participants given ghrelin reported greater hunger and ate more (measured in calories) than participants infused with saline. In addition, prior to their lunch ghrelin participants also indicated that they would eat more.

Psychological Variables. Psychological variables refer to motives and are studied indi- rectly through measurable indicators. For example, anxiety and happiness are psychologi- cal variables that are indicated by perspiration and smiles. Psychological questionnaires and scales can also indicate the amount of a psychological variable, like stepping on a bathroom scale indicates a person’s weight. Higher scale scores usually indicate a greater amount of a psychological variable, such as a need or motive. As a general rule, as indicators of a psychological need increase, the motivation for need-relevant incentives, consummatory behaviors, and associated feelings increase.

As an illustration of the effects of a psychological variable on motivation, consider the influence that the need to belong has on trying to be included in a group. The need to belong arises when a person’s current level of social affiliation is persistently below a preferred level. Individuals satisfy their need to belong with behaviors that lead to group affiliation. The extent this is achieved may depend on how well people interpret the social cues that signal inclusion or exclusion from a group. Individuals with a higher need to belong are hypothesized to be more accurate at interpreting such social cues. In order to test this hypothesis, Pickett and coresearchers (2004) used the Need to Belong Scale to select participants, who varied in the amount of this need. Next, the participants were tested for their accuracy in identifying facial expressions of anger, fear, happiness, and sadness. The results of the research supported the hypothesis. Individuals with a higher need to be- long were more accurate in their identification of emotional expressions than were indi- viduals with a lower level of this need.

➣ You can measure your need to belong at http://www.duke.edu/~leary/Need2Belong.rtf

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Linking Biological and Psychological Variables The brain and mind are intertwined. According to the concept of reductionism, the mind’s mental processes can be reduced to the activity of the neurons in the brain. Conversely, according to the concept of emergence, the brain’s neuronal activity issues forth mental processes—that is, the mind is an emergent property of the brain. However, reductionism and emergence, although opposite, are not equivalent. To elaborate, both hunger sensations and recognizing emotions in others can be reduced to and can emerge from actions of the neurons in the brain. For example, the psychological sensation of hunger is measurable with scales that ask: How hungry are you? Estimate how much you can eat. How full do you feel? How strong is your desire to eat? The intensity of a person’s responses on these scales increases with the length of time since the last meal. These scale measurements are reducible to parallel events that happen in the body and brain. There are parallel occurrences with regard to glucose in the bloodstream, food in the small intestine, circulating food-related molecules, and various brain chemicals. These events are monitored by various areas in the brain, such as the hypothalamus. Conversely, the psychological sensation of hunger emerges into consciousness as a result of the brain’s monitoring activity (Geary & Schwartz, 2005). In addition, as noted in research on the need to belong, individuals differ in their ability to recognize facial expressions associated with emotion. Attempts have been made to reduce facial recognition to different mechanisms that operate in the right cortex of the brain. When a relevant mechanism becomes impaired, for example, facial recognition suffers (Adolphs et al., 2000). Conversely, mental recognition of facial expression emerges from computations made by the brain from sensory information about the face.The mind versus brain distinction is important because scientists sometimes use the mind and sometimes the brain in order to explain the motivation of behavior. For example, hunger is a feeling in the mind that determines how motivated a person is to eat.Yet, the amount of food in the stomach or the rapid decline in glucose are events that occur in the body. These bodily events also determine the motivation to eat. In the first example, the mind is used; in the second, the body is used to explain the motivation of hunger and eating.

External Sources The environment is an obvious source of motivation. Environmental variables refer to those characteristics of incentives and goals that have the ability to attract or repel. Positive charac- teristics attract or pull us toward the incentive while unattractive ones repel us. As a general rule, incentives and goals with higher values of attraction or repulsion are more motivating than those with smaller values. Thus, if the value of an incentive can be determined, then its motivational power is known.

One example of the relationship between incentive value and motivation occurs be- tween the value of the academic experience and student behavior, such as attending classes and studying. With a questionnaire approach, students could be asked the extent they found their coursework interesting, valuable, and important, and if they had reasons for doing it. Using such an approach with high school students, Legault and coresearchers (2006) found that declines in the value of schoolwork were associated with lower GPAs, less time spent studying, and greater intentions to drop out. Another instance of the perceived value of uni- versity courses refers to their perceived instrumentality—that is, their function in rendering future rewards (Miller & Brickman, 2004). The instrumental value of a course is measured

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by requiring students to rate such statements as “Good grades lead to other things that I want (e.g., money, graduation, good job, certification)” (Greene et al., 1999, p. 431). Higher en- dorsements of such statements reflect a greater valuation of academic courses. Researchers have found that students earned higher grades in more valued courses (Greene et al., 1999) and indicated a greater willingness to do the required academic work (Miller et al., 1999).

The Past as a Source of Motivation Recall that internal dispositions refer to biological and psychological motives that push individuals into action. But, how did biological and psychological motives develop and what is their function? Recall, also, that environmental variables describe the value of incentives and their ability to attract or repel. How do values concerning incentives develop?

Evolutionary and Personal History. Push motivation depends on characteristics of the body, brain, and mind—that is, on biological variables and on psychological variables. These two variables are the result of our evolutionary history and personal history. Evolutionary history or the remote past refers to the effects of millions of years of natural selection in shaping motives and emotions that aided survival of the individual and the species. As a con- sequence of natural selection, relevant motives or emotions increase in frequency in the pop- ulation. For example, motives that promote eating and drinking aid the survival of the individual while motives that promote sexual behavior help perpetuate the human species. The emotion of fear, however, motivates individuals to avoid danger or dangerous animals like black widow spiders, pythons, and Komodo dragons.

The field of evolutionary psychology attempts to understand current human behavior by relating it to our evolutionary past (Buss, 2005; Cosmides & Tooby, 2005). Evolutionary psy- chology when applied to motivation is an attempt to describe and understand the origin of psy- chological motives through natural selection. How do biological and psychological motives aid the survival of the individual or humans in general? Fear of snakes, gender differences in what provokes jealousy, the universal appeal of music, and our preferences for sweets are all exam- ples of behaviors that evolutionary psychologists have tried to explain in terms of natural se- lection. In other words, these motives presumably evolved because they aided human survival.

Personal history refers to an individual’s experience from conception to the present. These experiences help shape an individual’s motives and system of values about incen- tives. Incentive value becomes an important explanatory concept when the incentive or goal is not linked to any obvious psychological or biological motive as in the case of money and course grades. Value is the pulling quality of an incentive or goal. Individuals learn that $100 is more valuable than $10 and that an A grade is more valuable than a B. The greater value determines that individuals are motivated to labor longer for $100 than for $10 and to study harder for an A than for a B.

Individual Differences. The study of motivation involves the search for general laws of be- havior that apply to all humans. Yet when it comes to the study of preferences, for example, differences among people seem to negate the possibility of general laws. For example, people differ in their preferences for food, music, and recreation. Can general laws be formulated to account for why people differ in what motivates them? One simple answer is that people them- selves are different in such characteristics as psychological needs and personality traits. In ad- dition, individual differences in motivation become apparent from the fact that humans create

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different environments in which to live. According to Bandura’s (2006) agentic theory, rather than merely reacting, humans also intentionally create the circumstances of their lives. Peo- ple are not slaves to their environments and instead seek out or create environments in order to satisfy their psychological motives (John & Robins, 1993; Winter et al., 1998). For exam- ple, one could speculate that most individuals who possess a stable need to belong will seek careers that will allow them to affiliate with others (Winter et al., 1998). In the case of people who differ in the level of extraversion, those with a high level are more likely to prefer large parties compared to individuals with a low level of extraversion (Argyle & Lu, 1990).

Combined Internal and External Sources Motivate Behavior The push/pull metaphor of motivation suggests that internal and external sources combine to motivate behavior in both animals and humans. This joint effect is illustrated by the com- bined effects of a thirst drive and a water reward. Kintsch (1962), for example, produced various levels of a thirst drive by limiting rats’ access to water. He then conditioned rats to run to the end of an alley where different amounts of a water reward were available. How rapidly the rats responded depended on the combined effects of the thirst drive and water reward. Notice in Figure 1.3 that the rats responded fastest with a high thirst drive and a high water reward. Responding was slowest for the combination of a low thirst drive and small water reward. As a general rule, as the size of the internal motive (thirst drive) and external reward (water) increases, motivated behavior increases.

With humans, more complicated interactions between internal and external sources prevail. For instance, how motives determine the value of incentives depends on characteristics

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FIGURE 1.3 Drive and Reward Motivate Behavior. On the left, starting speed increases as the magnitude of the thirst drive increases. On the right, starting speed increases as the magnitude of the water reward increases. Response speed was fastest when high thirst drive was combined with high water reward, and was slowest when low drive was combined with low reward.

Source: From “Runway Performance as a Function of Drive Strength and Magnitude of Reinforcement” by W. Kintsch, 1962, Journal of Comparative and Physiological Psychology, 55, figures 1 and 2, p. 883. Copyright 1962 by American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.

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of individuals. For example, the deprivation of personal resources, such as money or food, in- fluences incentive value, but does so differently for men and women. For example, to what ex- tent does feeling deprived affect one’s preferences for how much an ideal member of the other sex should weigh? To answer this question, Nelson and Morrison (2005, study 1) asked men and women if they were carrying any money. Presumably being aware of not carrying any money made people aware of being deprived. The results in Figure 1.4 indicate that deprived men preferred heavier women than non-deprived men did while for women feeling deprived made no difference. In another study (study 4), men and women either entering or leaving the campus dining hall were asked to state the ideal weight for a member of the other sex. Entering students were assumed to be food deprived (hungry) while those leaving were considered not food deprived (sated).The results in Figure 1.4 show that hungry men preferred heavier women than sated men did while for women food deprivation made no difference. The temporary awareness of one’s state of deprivation of either money or food increased men’s preferences for heavier women. However, women did not exhibit this difference. Thus, individual differences prevailed, since men were affected by deprivation while women were not.

In another complication, the interacting effects of motives and incentives can also occur when the same substance serves as both. This dual effect occurs for money and food. Money deprivation can produce a motive that affects the value of food and food deprivation can produce a motive that affects the value of money. Money, obviously, can be used to buy food in order to satisfy hunger. So as a person’s hunger increases, she is willing to spend more money for food.Yet, the reverse also seems to be true; hunger determines the incentive value of money. To illustrate, Briers and coresearchers (2006, Exp. 1) compared hungry and sated men for their willingness to donate money to charity. The results showed that

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FIGURE 1.4 Deprivation Determines Preference in Men. When deprived of food or money, men preferred heavier women than did men who were not deprived. Women’s preferences were not affected by their deprivation state. Data for women are not shown.

Source: Adapted from “The Symptoms of Resource Scarcity: Judgments of Food and Finances Influence Preferences for Potential Partners” by L. D. Nelson & E. L. Morrison, 2005, Psychological Science, 16, pp. 169, 172.

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hungry men were less likely to donate to charity than non-hungry men were likely to do. In experiment 2, the researchers induced hunger in female participants with the scent of freshly baked brownies.The results showed that hungry participants were less likely to donate money as part of a computer game than non-hungry participants were willing to donate. Thus, in both experiments hunger increased the incentive value of money. Because money was now considered more valuable, participants were less willing to part with it. In experiment 3, a desire for money was manipulated by asking both male and female participants to “list all of the things they would dream of buying if they won” a lottery. The dream of winning a large lottery (25,000 Euros, about $38,000) presumably created a strong motive while the dream of winning a small lottery (25 Euros, about $38) presumably created a weak motive for money. Then as part of a taste test, participants were allowed to eat as many M&M candies as they wanted. Participants with a strong motive for money ate more M&M’s than did par- ticipants with a weak motive. In this case, an increase in the motive for money was associ- ated with an increase in the value of food (M&M’s) and consequently participants ate more.

Motivation Sequence Motivation is like a journey that consists of a sequence of events as illustrated in Figure 1.2. The sequence begins with a choice of the motive to be satisfied or the goal to be achieved.

Choice refers to the selection of the motive or incentive from those vying for satis- faction. A senior in high school has several choices to make, including whether to enter the armed forces, seek employment, or attend a vocational college or a university. Which option is chosen depends on the intensity of the motive, the attractiveness of the incentive, the like- lihood of success, and the amount of effort required to succeed. Choice is only the first step. Next, an individual must be motivated to do what is required to realize her choice. Instrumental behaviors are those motivated activities in which a person engages to satisfy a motive. Working for money, studying to pass a test, and acting kindly toward people are all examples of instrumental or motivated behavior. Working, studying, and acting kindly are instrumental in earning money, passing exams, and being liked. Often, an individual can also choose from among several different ways of satisfying a motive. For instance, in the process of finding a job a person may choose from among reading want ads, visiting an employment agency, or consulting the university placement office. Aspects of instrumental behavior that reflect motivation include duration, frequency, and intensity. Duration or persistence refers to the amount of time a person persists to satisfy a motive. For example, how many years is a person willing to spend preparing for a chosen career? Frequency refers to the rate of en- gaging in a particular behavior. A person who exercises six days per week does so more fre- quently and presumably is more motivated than the person who does so three days per week or not at all. The intensity or effort of behavior varies directly with motivation. For example, the quicker rats start to run down the alley for a water reward (Figure 1.3), the greater the in- tensity of motivation. The motivation sequence ends when the motive is satisfied or the goal is achieved, which defines the end-state.

Emotions A person’s consciousness is often deluged with sensations like cold, hot, thirst, hunger, and pain. These sensations serve to motivate specific actions in order to alleviate their unpleas- antness. In addition to these sensations, however, there are other distinct feelings that also

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motivate behaviors. These are known as emotional feelings or affect, such as happy, love, sad, anger, fear, shame, and disgust. Like the word motivation, which means to be moved into action, the term emotion from the Latin word emovere, means to move out. When peo- ple experience an emotion they are ready to move in a certain way (Leeper, 1948). It is as if emotional feelings ready a person for actions that are crucial for the experienced emotion (Frijda, 1986, 2007). The action is motivated in order to achieve the goal of the emotion. Thus, when experiencing anger in an unpleasant situation, for example, a person may be moved to verbally or physically aggress toward an intended target (Berkowitz & Harmon- Jones, 2004). But when experiencing an opposite emotion, say fear, a person is moved to engage in an entirely different set of behaviors, such as to withdraw in order not to incur harm. The behaviors differ because the goals of anger and fear differ.

Many emotional feelings are linked to facial expressions. Feelings without distinctive facial expressions are not considered emotions by some psychologists (Ekman, 1984, 1994a; Izard, 1971). For example, is there a facial expression that signals romantic love? However, instead of clearly identifiable facial expressions there may be other mannerisms of a person that signal emotions, such as posture or head movement. For example, head and gaze movement are in opposite directions for pride and shame. The head and gaze move upward for pride and downward for shame (Keltner & Shiota, 2003). Finally, emotion can influence an individual’s thinking much like hunger makes us think of food. Positive emo- tional feelings seem to expand thought while negative emotional feelings restrict thought (Fredrickson & Branigan, 2005).

Section Recap The sources of motivation are either internal in the case of push motivation or external in the case of pull motivation. For push motivation, biological variables describe a person’s brain and nervous system while psychological variables describe properties of a person’s mind, like psychological needs. Biological and psychological variables are conceptually linked through reductionism and emergence. Reductionism is the principle that concepts from psychology can be explained by reducing them to a principle based on the body’s phys- iology or brain. Emergence is the reverse of reductionism and represents the view that the brain’s neuronal processes generate psychological feelings, which can motivate people to act. Environmental variables describe external sources of motivation, such as incentive value and goal level. As value or level increases, motivation increases. Motivation has dif- ferent origins. One is the evolutionary history of humans, which embraces our remote past. The purpose of evolutionary psychology is to describe and explain motivated behavior in terms of human evolutionary history. Personal history refers to a person’s lifelong experi- ences, which help determine what motivates the individual. Motivation depends on stable individual differences, such as psychological needs and personality traits. Thus, what mo- tivates one individual may not motivate another. Also, people do not merely react but also act by anticipating, selecting, creating, or altering their environments according to agentic theory. Internal sources like drives and needs interact with external sources like incentives and goals to motivate behavior. Incentive deprivation can be interpreted as affecting an in- ternal drive or as affecting the value of the incentive. Furthermore, the same substance can serve as a drive source in one situation and an incentive in another. Motivation represents a sequence that begins with the choice of a motive or goal. Once a choice is made, a person is motivated to engage in instrumental behavior that will eventually satisfy the motive or

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achieve the goal. The end-state of the sequence occurs when the motive is satisfied or the goal is achieved. Emotion comes from the Latin word emovere, meaning to move out. Emo- tions also serve as motives. When a person experiences an emotional feeling she is ready to act in a manner that motivates her to accomplish the goal of the emotion. Emotions are linked to facial expressions, certain gestures, and can influence thought processes in addi- tion to providing an impulse for behavior.

Study of Motivation and Emotion Imagine the goal of earning a coupon from a fast-food restaurant versus earning a bachelor’s degree. Both goals motivate behavior but both cannot be investigated in the same manner. A psychologist can study the extent the food coupon motivates performance on some labora- tory task. For instance, how many anagrams or arithmetic problems will a participant solve in 10 minutes in order to achieve this goal? However, studying how a bachelor’s degree moti- vates behavior over several years cannot be done in the laboratory. In this case, it is necessary to use questionnaires and survey a group of students over a number of semesters. Perhaps it will be discovered that the likelihood of earning a bachelor’s degree depends on how intrinsi- cally motivated students are to study the material in their classes. Thus, in one case an exper- imental method can be employed, while in the other a correlational method is necessary.

Conduct the following thought experiment: Re-create in your mind as vividly as possible a situation in which you were greatly embarrassed. Now concentrate on these mem- ories long and hard. Do you feel embarrassed all over again? Is your face getting warm and red? Would this be an effective way to study emotions by re-creating them from memory? Maybe you are not feeling this emotion at the same intensity but only as a weak reminder of what you originally experienced. If psychologists wanted to study intense emotions, it would not be ethical to embarrass, frighten, or anger someone in a laboratory in order to study these emotions. It might be possible to study mildly felt emotions in the laboratory, but extremely intense emotions likely would have to be investigated as they occur naturally in people’s lives.

The purpose of this section is to describe two different methods by which research is conducted on motivation and emotion. Experimental research is usually conducted in a laboratory. It involves manipulating a motivational variable to determine the effects on any behaviors; these effects are indicative of motivation. Correlational research, in contrast, is different, since it does not manipulate a variable. Instead, it involves measuring an existing motivational variable to determine how the measured values are associated with behavioral indicators of motivation.

Research in Motivation Whether experimental or correlational research is employed depends on the phenomenon being investigated but also on the feasibility and the ethics of doing so.

Experimental versus Correlational Research. How long will individuals persist at a task as a function of the amount of incentive and their need to achieve? One way to answer this question might be to conduct an investigation in which participants are promised a re- ward of $1 or $5 for solving a series of anagrams. The anagrams that are used have no so- lution, but the participants do not know this. One group of participants has a relatively high need to achieve, while the other group has a relatively low need to achieve. The groups were

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drawn from a large set of individuals who were evaluated earlier for their need to achieve. Thus, the experiment contains two independent variables. The experimental variable is the one manipulated by the experimenter to create different levels or values. Participants are randomly assigned to the conditions representing the levels on this variable. In this example, participants in each group were randomly assigned to receive either $1 or $5. The correlational variable contains levels that are measured but not created by the experi- menter. Different participants represent different levels on the correlational variable. In this example, different participants were selected to represent a low and high need to achieve. The dependent variable refers to behavior that depends on the experimental variable, in the case of experimental research. The dependent variable is associated with the levels on the correlational variable, in the case of correlational research. In the given example, the dependent variable is how many seconds a participant persists at trying to solve the ana- grams before giving up. The result of this hypothetical investigation, as shown in Figure 1.5, reveals greater persistence for $5 than for $1, especially by low- compared to high-need-to- achieve participants. This investigation would most likely be both feasible and ethical to conduct, especially if participants received the promised reward.

Feasibility and Ethics. It is neither feasible nor ethical to study some motivational phe- nomena in the psychological laboratory. In experimental research, different intensities of a motive can be created to determine how this will affect behavior. However, there is a limit to how intense the motive can be. With correlational research, a greater range of motive intensities is possible. Many motives occur naturally, and their intensity is measured along with changes in behavior. One question that arises is whether the results from laboratory

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FIGURE 1.5 Motives, Incentive, and Persistence at Task. These hypothetical results show that both low- and high-need-to-achieve participants persisted longer in trying to solve the anagrams for a $5 reward than for a $1 reward. This difference in persistence was greater for low- than for high-need-to-achieve participants. In addition, overall high-need-to-achieve participants were slightly more persistent.

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experiments are the same as those from correlational studies done in natural settings. Anderson and associates (1999) have concluded that research from laboratory studies and from natural settings provides similar results. For example, they found that depression showed similar relationships with various behaviors in both laboratory and hospital settings.

In the study of hunger, it has been found that different degrees of hunger can be created experimentally or different degrees of hunger that occur naturally can be measured and then correlated with behavior. For example, does food deprivation produce an image of food that guides the search for food (Warden, 1931)? Would the strength of the image and the motiva- tion for food change with the degree of hunger? But how long could human participants prac- tically and ethically be deprived of food to study the hunger–food image relationship? Because of practicality and ethics, these two questions may be answerable partly in the psychological laboratory and partly from events that happen in the world. Some motivation experiments are appropriate in the psychological laboratory because the conditions studied are not too severe for the human participants. Biner and associates (1995, 1998) manipulated hunger by asking one group of students not to eat breakfast or lunch and asking another group to eat both meals prior to reporting for a 1:00 P.M. experiment. Students complied voluntarily with the requests. Would it have been ethical to ask human participants to go for even longer periods without food? Animal research is also employed to study the relationship between hunger and food mo- tivation. For example, Snyder (1962) deprived rats of food for 2, 6, 12, or 22 hours. He then trained the rats to run down to the end of a runway where he’d placed the reward: a saccharine solution. Would it have been ethical to deprive the rats for longer than 22 hours?

Research in a Natural Setting. Clearly, there are conditions of motivation that are neither practical nor ethical to study in a laboratory. It is neither practical nor ethical to ask people to deprive themselves of food for long periods of time, although some may do this of their own volition. For example, people with anorexia and hunger strikers go voluntarily without food for much longer periods of time than in the typical psychology experiment. Brozek and asso- ciates (1951) studied the effects of a semistarvation diet on a group of male conscientious ob- jectors during World War II. The men were put on a very restricted diet for 24 weeks, during which time they lost an average of 37 pounds. Over the 24 weeks their motivation for food in- creased while that for sex and activity decreased. In addition, their thoughts and actions were preoccupied with food the entire time. Food assumed the dominant theme in conversation, was the focus of their attention at movies, was involved in daydreaming and was the subject in reading matter, such as cookbooks and recipes. By the end of the experiment, almost 59% of the participants reported being hungry most of the time. However, in O’Malley’s (1990) de- scription of hunger strikers, feelings of hunger eventually go away. Does this mean that the preoccupation with food and its images also disappears? This question is not answerable by an experiment, since it would not be practical or ethical to subject individuals for such long periods of time without food. Thus, some questions are not answerable through experimenta- tion and instead can only be answered by investigating phenomena when they occur naturally. For example, people with anorexia and hunger strikers could be interviewed to determine the extent of their hunger symptoms and preoccupation with food.

Research in Emotion Emotion is an assortment of experiences that include subjective feelings, facial expressions, neurophysiological changes, and emotion-linked behavior. Emotions are evoked by external

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events. For instance, an insult induces anger, seeing old friends creates happiness, or walk- ing on a dark deserted street elicits anxiety. A variety of experimental procedures are em- ployed to induce emotions in the laboratory (Gerrards-Hesse et al., 1994). To what extent can emotions be created in the laboratory and to what extent must a naturally occurring emotion be relied on for study? For example, sadness has been studied in the laboratory with a mood induction technique. In one procedure participants read a list of either posi- tive, negative, or neutral statements that were relevant to the lives of students (Seibert & Ellis, 1991). An example of a happy mood induction sentence is “Being in college makes my dreams more possible,” while an example of a sad mood induction sentence is “I feel a lit- tle down today.” Showing clips from various movies can be used to produce sadness, tears, and the urge to cry. The films The Champ (1979), Brian’s Song (1971) (Marston et al., 1984; Martin & Labott, 1991), and My Life (1995) evoked tears in some participants who viewed them in a laboratory setting (Spatny, 1997). Playing sad music is another emotion-inducing technique. Stratton and Zalanowski (1994) were able to show the emotion-inducing prop- erties of both the melody and lyrics of the song Why Was I Born? which is about unrequited (i.e., unreciprocated) love. Both separately and combined, music and lyrics have an effect on emotions. Depression increases most in response to music plus lyrics, while positive affect increases most to music alone. Finally, sounds in general, like cries, screams, and shouts of joy, can also evoke emotional feelings in the laboratory (Bradley et al., 1994).

The phrase “my heart is broken” describes an intense emotional experience. Can ex- perimentally induced emotions match the intensity of emotions felt in life, such as a broken heart? Is experimentally induced sadness from movies or music felt to the same degree as that of parents grieving the death of their child or a family grieving the death of their faith- ful dog? As in the case of motivation, feasibility and ethical concerns prevent the study of intense emotions in the laboratory, and thus these emotions can only be investigated as they occur naturally. A case in point were people’s reactions to the news that on September 11, 2001, four hijacked airplanes were used in terrorist attacks on the United States. One air- plane crashed in Pennsylvania and had not reached its intended target. A second airplane crashed into the Pentagon, and two more airplanes crashed into the World Trade Center’s towers in New York City. In researching people’s emotional reactions to these events, Fredrickson and coresearchers (2003) asked individuals living in Michigan to “think back to the September 11th attacks and the days that have passed since then.” Next, participants were to rate how frequently they had experienced various emotions, with the scale 0 � never to 3 � most of the time. Figure 1.6 shows the three most frequently experienced negative emotions and positive emotions. Anger, sadness, and fear are understandable negative emo- tional reactions to the attacks. Fredrickson and coresearchers point out that positive emo- tions can also occur, depending on an individual’s focus. For example, people could be grateful that relatives and friends living nearby were alive. Individuals could be interested and curious how the U.S. government was going to respond. Finally, reports of death and destruction that resulted from the attack were in stark contrast to their feelings of love, closeness, and trust of family and friends.

Sources and Scope of Motivation If motivation is the inducement of an individual’s actions, thoughts, and feelings, then what is the source of this inducement? As the book’s title implies, psychologists can look to the biological—that is, the nature of the body and specifically the structure and workings of the

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brain. Part of the biological view is the consideration of how the brain evolved. What func- tion did it play in our evolutionary past and how does that function affect human motiva- tion today? The psychological refers to properties of the human mind, in contrast to the body and brain. The psychological is represented by motives, such as psychological needs, wants, and desires, but also by other characteristics, such as personality traits. And finally, the environmental, which is divisible into two categories. The first concerns the objective environment—that is, material things, such as money, grades, or prizes. The second concerns the cognitive representation of some external event, which is a case of cognitive motivation. For example, graduation is not a thing but the mental representation of some event that a student can visualize in her mind’s eye. The mental representation is the goal which attracts or draws a student toward it. However, if a mental representation is viewed negatively, then it would actually repel the individual and provide motivation for behavior so that it would not happen.

Furthermore, the sources of motivation cut across various disciplines within psy- chology. Biological sources are a main consideration in disciplines that examine motivation and emotion in terms of an organism’s autonomic and central nervous systems. These areas are covered in biological and physiological psychology and are also covered in neuro- science outside of psychology. The relationship between arousal and performance is con- sidered in sports psychology, and the relationship between stress and well-being is covered in health psychology. Internal sources, like psychological needs, personality traits, and self- esteem, are included in the areas of social psychology, personality, and personal growth.

1 1.5 2 2.5 3

Angry/irritated/annoyed

Sad/downhearted/unhappy

Scared/fearful/afraid

Grateful/appreciative/thankful

Interested/alert/curious

Love/closeness/trust

Frequency of Emotions

FIGURE 1.6 Emotions to Terrorist Attack. The frequency with which positive and negative emotions were experienced as a response to the aftermath of the September 11th terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York City and on the Pentagon.

Source: Adapted from “What Good Are Positive Emotions in Crises? A Prospective Study of Resilience and Emotions Following the Terrorist Attacks on the United States on September 11, 2001” by B. L. Fredrickson et al., 2003, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, table 2, p. 370.

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Psychological needs are also examined in consumer psychology and advertising. In addi- tion, social psychology often covers emotions, since other individuals are a major source of emotional experiences. Environmental sources of motivation, such as incentives, are found in courses on learning, conditioning, and behavior analysis. Behavior modification, for in- stance, relies heavily on external incentives to change behavior. Incentives and goals also receive treatment as a part of industrial psychology and work motivation. Finally, clinical psychology and the study of psychopathology also include the topic of motivation. For instance, amotivation (the complete absence of any motivation) and the overpowering motivation for drugs (as in addiction) are two opposite ends of the motivation continuum studied in these fields.

Section Recap Feasibility and research ethics determine whether a phenomenon is studied using an experimental or correlational method. Experiments involve a researcher manipulating an experimental variable to create different values. Participants are randomly assigned to conditions or treatments representing the different levels of the manipulated experimental variable. Naturally occurring motivational and emotional events are studied using correlational variables, which involve the measurement of preexisting levels or values. The dependent variable refers to behavior and depends on the experimental variable or is asso- ciated with the correlational variable. Moderately intense motives and emotions can be studied in the laboratory. Very intense motives and emotions, however, are less feasible and also unethical to create in the laboratory. Instead, they are studied in actual situations using correlational research methods.

The study of motivation involves the study of biological variables—that is, what do the body and brain contribute? The study of psychological variables involves examining how mental processes contribute to motivation. Environmental variables are examined to determine how material incentives and their mental representations motivate individuals. Finally, the study of motivation is applicable to many different disciplines.

A C T I V I T I E S

1. Suppose 100 people were offered a choice be- tween $1 or $100. Would it be correct to assume that almost all of them would choose $100? If so, what does this suggest about the value of an incentive in determining choice? What does the choice of $100 suggest about people’s value system as a motive for money? Is there another value system that causes a person to select $1 over $100? What might that alternative value system be?

2. Which of the following two options is more likely to lead to success in life? Why?

a. Above average intelligence coupled with average motivation to achieve success

b. Average intelligence coupled with above average motivation to achieve success

3. People’s emotions can be observed in the TV news. Try to imagine what emotion someone is feeling in a particular situation, such as wit- nessing a terrible traffic accident; experienc- ing a hurricane, tornado, or earthquake; or winning the lottery. Can you detect the indi- vidual’s emotions based on facial expressions, tone of voice, or behavior?

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