Current State Of Women’s Inequality Worldwide /Discussion B: Political Matters
Discussion A: You have been invited to speak to a group at the local library about the current state of women’s inequality worldwide: In approximately 500 words, what would you say to your audience?
Discussion B: Talk to women: family, friends, and co-workers. Ask them what their views are about women holding political office. Women today have the intellect, academic credentials, and leadership skills to head corporations as well as local, state, and federal government positions. So what’s holding women back?
Resources
http://www.feministezine.com/feminist/international/Ten-Worst-Countries-for-Women.html
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2013/10/27/7-ridiculous-restrictions-on-womens-rights-around-the-world/
http://exhibitions.globalfundforwomen.org/education/tours
http://mama.globalfundforwomen.org/
https://www.theguardian.com/global-development-professionals-network/2015/apr/13/meet-the-global-feminists-changing-the-world-for-girls-from-kenya-to-egypt
FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY Passionate Politics
bell hooks
South End Press Cambridge, MA
Copyright © 2000 by Gloria Watkins
Cover design by Ellen P. Shapiro Cover illustration by Laura DeSantis, © Artville
Any properly footnoted quotation of up to 500 sequential words may be used without permission, as long as the total number of words quoted does not exceed 2,000. For longer quotations or for a greater number of total words, please write to South End Press for permission.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Hooks, Bell. Feminism is for everybody: passionate politics / Bell Hooks.
p.cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-89608-629-1 – ISBN 0-89608-628-3 (pbk.) 1. Feminist theory. 2. Feminism – Philosophy. 3. Feminism – Political aspects. 4. Sex discrimination against women. 1. Title.
HQl190 .H67 2000 305.42’01 – dc21
00-036589 South End Press, 7 Brookline Street, #1, Cambridge, MA 02139
06 05 04 7 8 9
Printed in Canada
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism
1. FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand
2. CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING A Constant Change of Heart
3. SISI:ERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL
4. FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS
5. OUR BODIES, OURSELVES Reproductive Rights
6. BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT
7. FEMINIST CLASS STRUGGLE
8. GLOBAL FEMINISM
9. WOMEN AT WORI(
Vll
1
7
13
19
25
31
37
44
48
10. RACE AND GENDER
11. ENDING VIOLENCE
12. FEMINIST MASCULINITY
13. FEMINIST PARENTING
14. LIBERATING MARRIAGE AND PARTNERSHIP
15. A FEMINIST SEXUAL POLITIC An Ethics of Mutual Freedom
16. TOTAL BLISS Lesbianism and Feminism
17. TO LOVE AGAIN The Heart of Feminism
18. FEMINIST SPIRITUALITY
19. VISIONARY FEMINISM
INDEX
ABOUT SOUTH END PRESS
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125
INTRODUCTION Come Closer to Feminism
Everywhere I go I proudly tell folks who want to know who I am
and what I do that I am a writer, a feminist theorist, a cultural critic. I
tell them I write about movies and popular culture, analyzing the
message in the medium. Most people find this exciting and want to
know more. Everyone goes to movies, watches television, glances
through magazines, and everyone has thoughts about the messages
they receive, about the images they look at. It is easy for the diverse
public I encounter to understand what I do as a cultural critic, to un-
derstand my passion for writing Oots of folks want to write, and do).
But feminist theory – that’s the place where the questions stop. In-
stead I tend to hear all about the evil of feminism and the bad femi-
nists: how “they” hate men; how “they” want to go against nature-
and god; how “they” are all lesbians; how “they” are taking all the jobs
and making the world hard for white men, who do not stand a chance.
When I ask these same folks about the feminist books or maga-
zines they read, when I ask them about the feminist talks they have
heard, about the feminist activists they know, they respond by let-
ting me know that everything they know about feminism has come
into their lives thirdhand, that they really have not come close
enough to feminist movement to know what really happens, what
it’s really about. Mostly they think feminism is a bunch of angry
Vll
V1ll FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
women who want to be like men. They do not even think about
feminism as being about rights – about women gaining equal
rights. When I talk about the feminism I know – up close and per-
sonal- they willingly listen, although when our conversations end,
they are quick to tell me I am different, not like the “real” feminists
who hate men, who are angry. I assure them I am as a real and as rad-
ical a feminist as one can be, and if they dare to come closer to femi-
nism they will see it is not how they have imagined it.
Each time I leave one of these encounters, I want to have in my
hand a little book so that I can say, read this book, and it will tell you
what feminism is, what the movement is about. I want to be holding
in my hand a concise, fairly easy to read and understand book; not a
long book, not a book thick with hard to understand jargon and aca-
demic language, but a straightforward, clear book – easy to read
without being simplistic. From the moment feminist thinking, poli-
tics, and practice changed my life, I have wanted this book. I have
wanted to give it to the folk I love so that they can understand better
this cause, this feminist politics I believe in so deeply, that is the
foundation of my political life.
I have wanted them to have an answer to the question “what is
feminism?” that is rooted neither in fear or fantasy. I have wanted
them to have this simple definition to read again and again so they
know: “Feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploitation,
and oppression.” I love this definition, which I first offered more
than 10 years ago in my book Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center. I
love it because it so clearly states that the movement is not about be-
ing anti-male. It makes it clear that the problem is sexism. And that
clarity helps us remember that all of us, female and male, have been
socialized from birth on to accept sexist thought and action. As a
consequence, females can be just as sexist as men. And while that
does not excuse or justify male domination, it does mean that it
INTRODUCTION IX
would be naive and wrongminded for feminist thinkers to see the
movement as simplistically being for women against men. To end
patriarchy (another way of naming the institutionalized sexism) we
need to be clear that we are all participants in perpetuating sexism
until we change our minds and hearts, until we let go of sexist
thought and action and replace it with feminist thought and action.
Males as a group have and do benefit the most from patriarchy,
from the assumption that they are superior to females and should
rule over us. But those benefits have come with a price. In return for
all the goodies men receive from patriarchy, they are required to
dominate women, to exploit and oppress us, using violence if they
must to keep patriarchy intact. Most men find it difficult to be patri-
archs. Most men are disturbed by hatred and fear of women, by male
violence against women, even the men who perpetuate this vio-
lence. But they fear letting go of the benefits. They are not certain
what will happen to the world they know most intimately if patriar-
chy changes. So they find it easier to passively support male domina-
tion even when they know in their minds and hearts that it is wrong.
Again and again men tell me they have no idea what it is feminists
want. I believe them. I believe in their capacity to change and grow.
And I believe that if they knew more about feminism they would no
longer fear it, for they would find in feminist movement the hope of
their own release from the bondage of patriarchy.
It is for these men, young and old, and for all of us, that I have
written this short handbook, the book I have spent more than 20
years longing for. I had to write it because I kept waiting for it to ap-
pear, and it did not. And without it there was no way to address the
hordes of people in this nation who are daily bombarded with
anti-feminist backlash, who are being told to hate and resist a move-
ment that they know very little about. There should be so many little
feminist primers, easy to read pamphlets and books, telling us all
x FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
about feminism, that this book would be just another passionate
voice speaking out on behalf of feminist politics. There should be bill-
boards; ads in magazines; ads on buses, subways, trains; television
commercials spreading the word, letting the world know more about
feminism. We are not there yet. But this is what we must do to share
feminism, to let the movement into everyone’s mind and heart.
Feminist change has already touched all our lives in a positive way.
And yet we lose sight of the positive when all we hear about femi-
nism is negative.
When I began to resist male domination, to rebel against patri-
archal thinking (and to oppose the strongest patriarchal voice in my
life – my mother’s voice), I was still a teenager, suicidal, depressed,
uncertain about how I would find meaning in my life and a place for
myself. I needed feminism to give me a foundation of equality and
justice to stand on. Mama has come around to feminist thinking. She
sees me and all her daughters (we are six) living better lives because of
feminist politics. She sees the promise and hope in feminist move-
ment. It is that promise and hope that I want to share with you in
this book, with everybody.
Imagine living in a world where there is no domination, where
females and males are not alike or even always equal, but where a vi-
sion of mutuality is the ethos shaping our interaction. Imagine living
in a world where we can all be who we are, a world of peace and pos-
sibility. Feminist revolution alone will not create such a world; we
need to end racism, class elitism, imperialism. But it will make it possi-
ble for us to be fully self-actualized females and males able to create
beloved community, to live together, realizing our dreams of freedom
and justice, living the truth that we are all “created equal.” Come
closer. See how feminism can touch and change your life and all our
lives. Come closer and know firsthand what feminist movement is all
about. Come closer and you will see: feminism is for everybody.
1
FEMINIST POLITICS Where We Stand
Simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist exploita-
tion, and oppression. This was a definition of feminism I offered in
Feminist Theory: From Margin to Center more than 10 years ago. It was
my hope at the time that it would become a common definition
everyone would use. I liked this definition because it did not imply
that men were the enemy. By naming sexism as the problem it went
directly to the heart of the matter. Practically, it is a definition which
implies that all sexist thinking and action is the problem, whether
those who perpetuate it are female or male, child or adult. It is also
broad enough to include an understanding of systemic institutional-
ized sexism. As a definition it is open-ended. To understand femi-
nism it implies one has to necessarily understand sexism.
As all advocates of feminist politics know, most people do not
understand sexism, or if they do, they think it is not a problem.
Masses of people think that feminism is always and only about
women seeking to be equal to men. And a huge majority of these
folks think feminism is anti-male. Their misunderstanding of femi-
nist politics reflects the reality that most folks learn about feminism
from patriarchal mass media. The feminism they hear about the
most is portrayed by women who are primarily committed to gender
equality – equal pay for equal work, and sometimes women and
1
2 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
men sharing household chores and parenting. They see that these
women are usually white and materially privileged. They know from
mass media that women’s liberation focuses on the freedom to have
abortions, to be lesbians, to challenge rape and domestic violence.
Among these issues, masses of people agree with the idea of gender
equity in the workplace – equal pay for equal work.
Since our society continues to be primarily a “Christian” cul-
ture, masses of people continue to believe that god has ordained that
women be subordinate to men in the domestic household. Even
though masses of women have entered the workforce, even though
many families are headed by women who are the sole breadwinners,
the vision of domestic life which continues to dominate the nation’s
imagination is one in which the logic of male domination is intact,
whether men are present in the home or not. The wrongminded no-
tion of feminist movement which implied it was anti-male carried
with it the wrongminded assumption that all female space would
necessarily be an environment where patriarchy and sexist thinking
would be absent. Many women, even those involved in feminist pol-
itics, chose to believe this as well.
There was indeed a great deal of anti-male sentiment among
early feminist activists who were responding to male domination
with anger. It was that anger at injustice that was the impetus for cre-
ating a women’s liberation movement. Early on most feminist activ-
ists (a majority of whom were white) had their consciousness raised
about the nature of male domination when they were working in
anti-classist and anti-racist settings with men who were telling the
world about the importance of freedom while subordinating the
women in their ranks. Whether it was white women working on be-
half of socialism, black women working on behalf of civil rights and
black liberation, or Native American women working for indige-
nous rights, it was clear that men wanted to lead, and they wanted
FEMINIST POLITICS 3
women to follow. Participating in these radical freedom struggles
awakened the spirit of rebellion and resistance in progressive fe-
males and led them towards contemporary women’s liberation.
As contemporary feminism progressed, as women realized that
males were not the only group in our society who supported sexist
thinking and behavior – that females could be sexist as well –
anti-male sentiment no longer shaped the movement’s conscious-
ness. The focus shifted to an all-out effort to create gender justice.
But women could not band together to further feminism without
confronting our sexist thinking. Sisterhood could not be powerful
as long as women were competitively at war with one another. Uto-
pian visions of sisterhood based solely on the awareness of the real-
ity that all women were in some way victimized by male domination
were disrupted by discussions of class and race. Discussions of class
differences occurred early on in contemporary feminism, preceding
discussions of race. Diana Press published revolutionary insights
about class divisions between women as early as the mid-’70s in their
collection of essays Class and Feminism. These discussions did not
trivialize the feminist insistence that “sisterhood is powerful,” they
simply emphasized that we could only become sisters in struggle by
confronting the ways women – through sex, class, and race –
dominated and exploited other women, and created a political plat-
form that would address these differences.
Even though individual black women were active in contempo-
rary feminist movement from its inception, they were not the indi-
viduals who became the “stars” of the movement, who attracted the
attention of mass media. Often individual black women active in
feminist movement were revolutionary feminists (like many white
lesbians). They were already at odds with reformist feminists who
resolutely wanted to project a vision of the movement as being
solely about women gaining equality with men in the existing sys-
, , !
, I .1
4 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
tem. Even before race became a talked about issue in feminist circles
it was clear to black women (and to their revolutionary allies in
struggle) that they were never going to have equality within the exist-
ing white supremacist capitalist patriarchy.
From its earliest inception feminist movement was polarized.
Reformist thinkers chose to emphasize gender equality. Revolution-
ary thinkers did not want simply to alter the existing system so that
women would have more rights. We wanted to transform that sys-
tem, to bring an end to patriarchy and sexism. Since patriarchal mass
media was not interested in the more revolutionary vision, it never
received attention in mainstream press. The vision of “women’s lib-
eration” which captured and still holds the public imagination was
the one representing women as wanting what men had. And this was
the vision that was easier to realize. Changes in our nation’s econ-
omy, economic depression, the loss of jobs, etc., made the climate
ripe for our nation’s citizens to accept the notion of gender equality
in the workforce.
Given the reality of racism, it made sense that white men were
more willing to consider women’s rights when the granting of those
rights could serve the interests of maintaining white supremacy. We
can never forget that white women began to assert their need for
freedom after civil rights, just at the point when racial discrimination
was ending and black people, especially black males, might have at-
tained equality in the workforce with white men. Reformist feminist
thinking focusing primarily on equality with men in the workforce
overshadowed the original radical foundations of contemporary
feminism which called for reform as well as overall restructuring of
society so that our nation would be fundamentally anti-sexist.
Most women, especially privileged white women, ceased even
to consider revolutionary feminist visions, once they began to gain
economic power within the existing social structure. Ironically, rev-
FEMINIST POLITICS 5
olutionary feminist thinking was most accepted and embraced in
academic circles. In those circles the production of revolutionary
feminist theory progressed, but more often than not that theory was
not made available to the public. It became and remains a privileged
discourse available to those among us who are highly literate, well-
educated, and usually materially privileged. Works like Feminist The-
ory: From Margin to Center that offer a liberatory vision of feminist
transformation never receive mainstream attention. Masses of peo-
ple have not heard of this book. They have not rejected its message;
they do not know what the message is.
While it was in the interest of mainstream white supremacist
capitalist patriarchy to suppress visionary feminist thinking which
was not anti-male or concerned with getting women the right to be
like men, reformist feminists were also eager to silence these forces.
Reformist feminism became their route to class mobility. They
could break free of male domination in the workforce and be more
self-determining in their lifestyles. While sexism did not end, they
could maximize their freedom within the existing system. And they
could count on there being a lower class of exploited subordinated
women to do the dirty work they were refusing to do. By accepting
and indeed colluding with the subordination of working-class and
poor women, they not only ally themselves with the existing patriar-
chy and its concomitant sexism, they give themselves the right to lead
a double life, one where they are the equals of men in the workforce
and at home when they want to be. If they choose lesbianism they
have the privilege of being equals with men in the workforce while
using class power to create domestic lifestyles where they can
choose to have little or no contact with men.
Lifestyle feminism ushered in the notion that there could be as
many versions of feminism as there were women. Suddenly the politics
was being slowly removed from feminism. And the assumption pre-
6 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
vailed that no matter what a woman’s politics, be she conservative
or liberal, she too could fit feminism into her existing lifestyle. Obvi-
ously this way of thinking has made feminism more acceptable be-
cause its underlying assumption is that women can be feminists
without fundamentally challenging and changing themselves or the
culture. For example, let’s take the issue of abortion. If feminism is a
movement to end sexist oppression, and depriving females of repro-
ductive rights is a form of sexist oppression, then one cannot be
anti-choice and be feminist. A woman can insist she would never
choose to have an abortion while affirming her support of the right
of women to choose and still be an advocate of feminist politics. She
cannot be anti-abortion and an advocate of feminism. Concurrently
there can be no such thing as “power feminism” if the vision of
power evoked is power gained through the exploitation and oppres-
sion of others.
Feminist politics is losing momentum because feminist move-
ment has lost clear definitions. We have those definitions. Let’s re-
claim them. Let’s share them. Let’s start over. Let’s have T-shirts and
bumper stickers and postcards and hip-hop music, television and ra-
dio commercials, ads everywhere and billboards, and all manner of
printed material that tells the world about feminism. We can share the
simple yet powerful message that feminism is a movement to end sex-
ist oppression. Let’s start there. Let the movement begin again.
2
CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING A Constant Change of Heart
Feminists are made, not born. One does not become an advocate of
feminist politics simply by having the privilege of having been born
female. Like all political positions one becomes a believer in feminist
politics through choice and action. When women first organized in
groups to talk together about the issue of sexism and male domina-
tion, they were clear that females were as socialized to believe sexist
thinking and values as males, the difference being simply that males
benefited from sexism more than females and were as a conse-
quence less likely to want to surrender patriarchal privilege. Before
women could change patriarchy we had to change ourselves; we had
to raise our consciousness.
Revolutionary feminist consciousness-raising emphasized the
importance of learning about patriarchy as a system of domination,
how it became institutionalized and how it is perpetuated and main-
tained. Understanding the way male domination and sexism was ex-
pressed in everyday life created awareness in women of the ways we
were victimized, exploited, and, in worse case scenarios, oppressed.
Early on in contemporary feminist movement, consciousness-raising
groups often became settings where women simply unleashed pent-
up hostility and rage about being victimized, with little or no focus
on strategies of intervention and transformation. On a basic level
7
8 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
many hurt and exploited women used the consciousness-raising
group therapeutically. It was the site where they uncovered and
openly revealed the depths of their intimate wounds. This confes-
sional aspect served as a healing ritual. Through consciousness-
raising women gained the strength to challenge patriarchal forces at
work and at home.
Importantly though, the foundation of this work began with
women examining sexist thinking and creating strategies where we
would change our attitudes and belief via a conversion to feminist
thinking and a commitment to feminist politics. Fundamentally, the
consciousness-raising (CR) group was a site for conversion. To
build a mass-based feminist movement women needed to organize.
The consciousness-raising session, which usually took place in
someone’s home (rather than public space that had to be rented or
donated), was the meeting place. It was the place where seasoned
feminist thinkers and activists could recruit new converts.
Importantly, communication and dialogue was a central agenda
at the consciousness-raising sessions. In many groups a policy was
in place which honored everyone’s voice. Women took turns speak-
ing to make sure everyone would be heard. This attempt to create a
non-hierarchal model for discussion positively gave every woman a
chance to speak but often did not create a context for engaged dia-
logue. However, in most instances discussion and debate occurred,
usually after everyone had spoken at least once. Argumentative dis-
cussion was common in CR groups as it was the way we sought to
clarify our collective understanding of the nature of male domina-
tion. Only through discussion and disagreement could we begin to
find a realistic standpoint on gender exploitation and oppression.
As feminist thinking, which emerged first in the context of
small groups where individuals often knew each other (they may
have worked together and/ or were friends), began to be theorized
CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING 9
in printed matter so as to reach a wider audience, groups dismantled.
The creation of women’s studies as an academic discipline provided
another setting where women could be informed about feminist
thinking and feminist theory. Many of the women who spearheaded
the introduction of women’s studies classes into colleges and uni-
versities had been radical activists in civil rights struggles, gay rights,
and early feminist movement. Many of them did not have doctor-
ates, which meant that they entered academic institutions receiving
lower pay and working longer hours than their colleagues in other
disciplines. By the time younger graduate students joined the effort
to legitimize feminist scholarship in the academy we knew that it
was important to gain higher degrees. Most of us saw our commit-
ment to women’s studies as political action; we were prepared to
sacrifice in order to create an academic base for feminist movement.
By the late ’70s women’s studies was on its way to becoming
an accepted academic discipline. This triumph overshadowed the
fact that many of the women who had paved the way for the
institutionalization of women’s studies were fired because they had
master’s degrees and not doctorates. While some of us returned to
graduate school to get PhDs, some of the best and brightest among
us did not because they were utterly disillusioned with the university
and burnt out from overwork as well as disappointed and enraged
that the radical politics undergirding women’s studies was being re-
placed by liberal reformism. Before too long the women’s studies
classroom had replaced the free-for-all consciousness-raising group.
Whereas women from various backgrounds, those who worked
solely as housewives or in service jobs, and big-time professional
women, could be found in diverse consciousness-raising groups, the
academy was and remains a site of class privilege. Privileged white
middle-class women who were a numeric majority though not nec-
essarily the radical leaders of contemporary feminist movement of-
10 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
ten gained prominence because they were the group mass media
focused on as representatives of the struggle. Women with revolu-
tionary feminist consciousness, many of them lesbian and from
working-class backgrounds, often lost visibility as the movement re-
ceived mainstream attention. Their displacement became complete
once women’s studies became entrenched in colleges and universi-
ties which are conservative corporate structures. Once the women’s
studies classroom replaced the consciousness-raising group as the
primary site for the transmission of feminist thinking and strategies
for social change the movement lost its mass-based potential.
Suddenly more and more women began to either call them-
selves “feminists” or use the rhetoric of gender discrimination to
change their economic status. The institutionalization of feminist
studies created a body of jobs both in the world of the academy and
in the world of publishing. These career-based changes led to forms
of career opportunism wherein women who had never been politi-
cally committed to mass-based feminist struggle adopted the stance
and jargon of feminism when it enhanced their class mobility. The
dismantling of consciousness-raising groups all but erased the notion
that one had to learn about feminism and make an informed choice
about embracing feminist politics to become a feminist advocate.
Without the consciousness-raising group as a site where women
confronted their own sexism towards other women, the direction of
feminist movement could shift to a focus on equality in the work-
force and confronting male domination. With heightened focus on
the construction of woman as a “victim” of gender equality deserv-
ing of reparations (whether through changes in discriminatory laws
or affirmative action policies) the idea that women needed to first
confront their internalized sexism as part of becoming feminist lost
currency. Females of all ages acted as though concern for or rage at
male domination or gender equality was all that was needed to make
CONSCIOUSNESS-RAISING 11
one a “feminist.” Without confronting internalized sexism women
who picked up the feminist banner often betrayed the cause in their
interactions with other women.
By the early ’80s the evocation of a politicized sisterhood, so
crucial at the onset of the feminist movement, lost meaning as the
terrain of radical feminist politics was overshadowed by a lifestyle-
based feminism which suggested any woman could be a feminist no
matter what her political beliefs. Needless to say such thinking has
undermined feminist theory and practice, feminist politics. When
feminist movement renews itself, reinforcing again and again the
strategies that will enable a mass movement to end sexism and sexist
exploitation and oppression for everyone, consciousness-raising
will once again attain its original importance. Effectively imitating
the model of AA meetings, feminist consciousness-raising groups
will take place in communities, offering the message of feminist
thinking to everyone irrespective of class, race, or gender. While
specific groups based on shared identities might emerge, at the end
of every month individuals would be in mixed groups.
Feminist consciousness-raising for males is as essential to revo-
lutionary movement as female groups. Had there been an emphasis
on groups for males that taught boys and men about what sexism is
and how it can be transformed, it would have been impossible for
mass media to portray the movement as anti-male. It would also
have preempted the formation of an anti-feminist men’s movement.
Often men’s groups were formed in the wake of contemporary fem-
inism that in no way addressed the issues of sexism and male domi-
nation. Like the lifestyle-based feminism aimed at women these
groups often became therapeutic settings for men to confront their
wounds without a critique of patriarchy or a platform of resistance
to male domination. Future feminist movement will not make this
mistake. Males of all ages need settings where their resistance to sex-
12 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
ism is affirmed and valued. Without males as allies in struggle femi-
nist movement will not progress. As it is we have to do so much
work to correct the assumption deeply embedded in the cultural
psyche that feminism is anti-male. Feminism is anti-sexism. A male
who has divested of male privilege, who has embraced feminist
politics, is a worthy comrade in struggle, in no way a threat to femi-
nism, whereas a female who remains wedded to sexist thinking and
behavior infiltrating feminist movement is a dangerous threat. Sig-
nificantly, the most powerful intervention made by consciousness-
raising groups was the demand that all females confront their inter-
nalized sexism, their allegiance to patriarchal thinking and action,
and their commitment to feminist conversion. That intervention is
still needed. It remains the necessary step for anyone choosing femi-
nist politics. The enemy within must be transformed before we can
confront theenemy outside. The threat, the enemy, is sexist thought
and behavior. As long as females take up the banner of feminist poli-
tics without addressing and transforming their own sexism, ulti-
mately the movement will be undermined.
3
SISTERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL
When the slogan “Sisterhood is powerful” was first used, it was awe-
some. I began my full-fledged participation in feminist movement
my sophomore year in college. Attending an all women’s college for
a year before I transferred to Stanford University, I knew from first-
hand experience the difference in female self-esteem and self-assertion
in same-sex classrooms versus those where males were present. At
Stanford males ruled the day in every classroom. Females spoke less,
took less initiative, and often when they spoke you could hardly hear
what they were saying. Their voices lacked strength and confidence.
And to make matters worse we were told time and time again by
male professors that we were not as intelligent as the males, that we
could not be “great” thinkers, writers, and so on. These attitudes
shocked me since I had come from an all-female environment
where our intellectual worth and value was constantly affirmed by
the standard of academic excellence our mostly female professors
set for us and themselves.
Indeed, I was indebted to my favorite white female English pro-
fessor who thought I was not getting the academic guidance I
needed at our women’s college because they did not have an intensi-
fied writing program. She encouraged me to attend Stanford. She
believed that I would someday be an important thinker and writer.
13
14 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
At Stanford my ability was constantly questioned. I began to doubt
myself. Then feminist movement rocked the campus. Female stu-
dents and professors demanded an end to discrimination based on
gender inside and outside the classroom. Wow, it was an intense and
awesome time. There I took my first women’s studies class with the
writer Tillie Olsen, who compelled her students to think first and
foremost about the fate of women from working-class backgrounds.
There the scholar and one-day biographer of Anne Sexton, Diane
Middlebrook, passed out one of my poems in our class on contem-
porary poetry with no name on it and asked us to identify whether
the writer was male or female, an experiment that made us think crit-
ically about judging the value of writing on the basis of gender bi-
ases. There I began to write my first book at the age of 19, Ain’t I a
Woman: Black Women and Feminism. None of these incredible trans-
formations would have happened without feminist movement cre-
ating a foundation for solidarity between women.
That foundation rested on our critique of what we then called
“the enemy within,” referring to our internalized sexism. We all
knew firsthand that we had been socialized as females by patriarchal
thinking to see ourselves as inferior to men, to see ourselves as al-
ways and only in competition with one another for patriarchal ap-
proval, to look upon each other with jealousy, fear, and hatred.
Sexist thinking made us judge each other without compassion and
punish one another harshly. Feminist thinking helped us unlearn fe-
male self-hatred. It enabled us to break free of the hold patriarchal
thinking had on our consciousness.
Male bonding was an accepted and affirmed aspect of patriar-
chal culture. It was simply assumed that men in groups would stick
together, support one another, be team players, place the good of
the group over individual gain and recognition. Female bonding was
not possible within patriarchy; it was an act of treason. Feminist
SISTERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL 15
movement created the context for female bonding. We did not
bond against men, we bonded to protect our interests as women.
When we challenged professors who taught no books by women, it
was not because we did not like those professors (we often did);
rightly, we wanted an end to gender biases in the classroom and in
the curriculum.
The feminist transformations that were taking place in our coed
college in the early ’70s were taking place as well in the world of
home and work. First and foremost feminist movement urged fe-
males to no longer see ourselves and our bodies as the property of
men. To demand control of our sexuality, effective birth control and
reproductive rights, an end to rape and sexual harassment, we needed
to stand in solidarity. In order for women to change job discrimina-
tion we needed to lobby as a group to change public policy. Chal-
lenging and changing female sexist thinking was the first step
towards creating the powerful sisterhood that would ultimately rock
our nation.
Following in the wake of civil rights revolution feminist move-
ment in the ’70s and ’80s changed the face of our nation. The femi-
nist activists who made these changes possible cared for the
well-being of all females. We understood that political solidarity be-
tween females expressed in sisterhood goes beyond positive recog-
nition of the experiences of women and even shared sympathy for
common suffering. Feminist sisterhood is rooted in shared commit-
ment to struggle against patriarchal injustice, no matter the form
that injustice takes. Political solidarity between women always un-
dermines sexism and sets the stage for the overthrow of patriarchy.
Significantly, sisterhood could never have been possible across the
boundaries of race and class if individual women had not been willing
to divest of their power to dominate and exploit subordinated groups
16 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
of women. As long as women are using class or race power to domi-
nate other women, feminist sisterhood cannot be fully realized.
As more women begin to opportunistically lay claim to femi-
nism in the ’80s without undergoing the feminist consciousness-
raising that would have enabled them to divest of their sexism, the
patriarchal assumption that the powerful should rule over the weak
informed their relations to other women. As women, particularly
previously disenfranchised privileged white women, began to ac-
quire class power without divesting of their internalized sexism, divi-
sions between women intensified. When women of color critiqued
the racism within the society as a whole and called attention to the
ways that racism had shaped and informed feminist theory and prac-
tice, many white women simply turned their backs on the vision of
sisterhood, closing their minds and their hearts. And that was
equally true when it came to the issue of classism among women.
I remember when feminist women, mostly white women with
class privilege, debated the issue of whether or not to hire domestic
help, trying to come up with a way to not participate in the subordi-
nation and dehumanization of less-privileged women. Some of
those women successfully created positive bonding between them-
selves and the women they hired so that there could be mutual ad-
vancement in a larger context of inequality. Rather than abandoning
the vision of sisterhood, because they could not attain some utopian
state, they created a real sisterhood, one that took into account the
needs of everyone involved. This was the hard work of feminist
solidarity between women. Sadly, as opportunism within feminism
intensified, as feminist gains became commonplace and were there-
fore taken for granted, many women did not want to work hard to
create and sustain solidarity.
A large body of women simply abandoned the notion of sister-
hood. Individual women who had once critiqued and challenged pa-
SISTERHOOD IS STILL POWERFUL 17
triarchy re-aligned themselves with sexist men. Radical women who
felt betrayed by the fierce negative competition between women
often simply retreated. And at this point feminist movement,
which was aimed at positively transforming the lives of all females,
became more stratified. The vision of sisterhood that had been the
rallying cry of the movement seemed to many women to no longer
matter. Political solidarity between women which had been the force
putting in place positive change has been and is now consistently un-
dermined and threatened. As a consequence we are as in need of a
renewed commitment to political solidarity between women as we
were when contemporary feminist movement first began.
When contemporary feminist movement first began we had a
vision of sisterhood with no concrete understanding of the actual
work we would need to do to make political solidarity a reality.
Through experience and hard work, and, yes, by learning from our
failures and mistakes, we now have in place a body of theory and
shared practice that can teach new converts to feminist politics what
must be done to create, sustain, and protect our solidarity. Since
masses of young females know little about feminism and many
falsely assume that sexism is no longer the problem, feminist educa-
tion for critical consciousness must be continuous. Older feminist
thinkers cannot assume that young females will just acquire knowl-
edge of feminism along the way to adulthood. They require guid-
ance. Overall women in our society are forgetting the value and
power of sisterhood. Renewed feminist movement must once again
raise the banner high to proclaim anew “Sisterhood is powerful.”
Radical groups of women continue our commitment to build-
ing sisterhood, to making feminist political solidarity between
women an ongoing reality. We continue the work of bonding across
race and class. We continue to put in place the anti-sexist thinking
and practice which affirms the reality that females can achieve
i II
18 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
self-actualization and success without dominating one another. And
we have the good fortune to know everyday of our lives that sister-
hood is concretely possible, that sisterhood is still powerful.
4
FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS
Before women’s studies classes, before feminist literature, individ-
ual women learned about feminism in groups. The women in those
groups were the first to begin to create feminist theory which in-
cluded both an analysis of sexism, strategies for challenging patriar-
chy, and new models of social interaction. Everything we do in life is
rooted in theory. Whether we consciously explore the reasons we
have a particular perspective or take a particular action there is also
an underlying system shaping thought and practice. In its earliest in-
ception feminist theory had as its primary goal explaining to women
and men how sexist thinking worked and how we could challenge
and change it.
In those days most of us had been socialized by parents and so-
ciety to accept sexist thinking. We had not taken time to figure out
the roots of our perceptions. Feminist thinking and feminist theory
urged us to do that. At first feminist theory was made available by
word of mouth or in cheaply put together newsletters and pam-
phlets. The development of women’s publishing (where women
wrote, printed, and controlled production on all levels, including
marketing) became the site for the dissemination of feminist think-
19
I
20 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
ing. While my first book, Ain’t I a Woman: Black Women and Feminism,
written in the ’70s and published in 1981, was produced by a small
socialist collective, South End Press, at least half of its members
were feminist women, and all its members were anti-sexist.
Producing a body of feminist literature coupled with the de-
mand for the recovery of women’s history was one of the most pow-
erful and successful interventions of contemporary feminism. In all
spheres of literary writing and academic scholarship works by
women had historically received little or no attention as a conse-
quence of gender discrimination. Remarkably, when feminist move-
ment exposed biases in curriculum, much of this forgotten and
ignored work was rediscovered. The formation of women’s studies
programs in colleges and universities provided institutionallegitima-
tion for academic focus on work by women. Following in the wake
of black studies, women’s studies became the place where one could
learn about gender, about women, from a non-biased perspective.
Contrary to popular stereotypes, professors in women’s studies
classes did not and do not trash work by men; we intervene on sexist
thinking by showing that women’s work is often just as good, as in-
teresting, if not more so, as work by men. So-called great literature
by men is critiqued only to show the biases present in the assess-
ment of aesthetic value. I have never taken a women’s studies course
or heard about one where works by men were deemed unimportant
or irrelevant. Feminist critiques of all-male canons of scholarship or
literary work expose biases based on gender. Importantly, these ex-
posures were central to makinOg a place for the recovery of women’s
work and a contemporary place for the production of new work by
and about women. Feminist movement gained momentum when it found its way
into the academy. In classrooms all over the nation young minds
were able to learn about feminist thinking, read the theory, and use it
FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 21
in their academic explorations. When I was a graduate student pre-
paring to write a dissertation, feminist thinking allowed me to
choose to write about a black woman writer who was not widely
read at the time, Toni Morrison. Very little serious literary scholar-
ship had been done on works by black women writers prior to femi-
nist movement. When Alice Walker acquired fame, she participated
in the recovery of the work of writer Zora Neale Hurston, who
shortly became the most canonized black woman writer in Ameri-
can literature. Feminist movement created a revolution when it de-
manded respect for women’s academic work, recognition of that
work past and present, and an end to gender biases in curriculum
and pedagogy.
The institutionalization of women’s studies helped spread the
word about feminism. It offered a legitimate site for conversion by
providing a sustained body of open minds. Students who attended
women’s studies classes were there to learn. They wanted to know
more about feminist thinking. And it was in those classes that many
of us awakened politically. I had come to feminist thinking by chal-
lenging male domination in our patriarchal household. But simply
being the victim of an exploitative or oppressive system and even re-
sisting it does not mean we understand why it’s in place or how to
change it. My conversion to feminist politics had occurred long be-
fore I entered college, but the feminist classroom was the place
where I learned feminist thinking and feminist theory. And it was in
that space that I received the encouragement to think critically and
write about black female experience.
Throughout the ’70s the production of feminist thinking and
theory was collaborative work in that women were constantly in dia-
logue about ideas, testing and reshaping our paradigms. Indeed,
when black women and other women of color raised the issue of ra-
cial biases as a factor shaping feminist thought there was an initial re-
22 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
sistance to the notion that much of what privileged class women had
identified as true to female experience might be flawed, but over
time feminist theory changed. Even though many white women
thinkers were able to acknowledge their biases without doing the
work of rethinking, this was still an important shift. By the late ’80s
most feminist scholarship reflected an awareness of race and class
differences. Women scholars who were truly committed to feminist
movement and feminist solidarity were eager to produce theory that
would address the realities of most women. While academic legitimation was crucial to the advancement of
feminist thought, it created a new set of difficulties. Suddenly the
feminist thinking that had emerged direcdy from theory and practice
received less attention than theory that was metalinguistic, creating
exclusive jargon; it was written solely for an academic audience. It
was as if a large body of feminist thinkers banded together to form
an elite group writing theory that could be understood only by an
“in” crowd. Women and men outside the academic domain were no longer
considered an important audience. Feminist thinking and theory
were no longer tied to feminist movement. Academic politics and
careerism overshadowed feminist politics. Feminist theory began to
be housed in an academic ghetto with litde connection to a world
outside. Work was and is produced in the academy that is oftentimes
visionary, but these insights rarely reach many people. As a conse-
quence the academization of feminist thought in this manner under-
mines feminist movement via depoliticization. Deradicalized, it is
like every other academic discipline with the only difference being
the focus on gender. Literature that helps inform masses of people, that helps indi-
viduals understand feminist thinking and feminist politics, needs to
be written in a range of styles and formats. We need work that is es-
FEMINIST EDUCATION FOR CRITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS 23
pecially geared towards youth culture. No one produces this work in
academic settings. Without abandoning women’s studies programs
which are already at risk at colleges and universities as conservatives
seek to undo the changes created by struggles for gender justice,
we need feminist studies that is community-based. Imagine a mass-
based feminist movement where folks go door to door passing out
literature, taking the time (as do religious groups) to explain to peo-
ple what feminism is all about.
When contemporary feminist movement was at its peak, sexist
biases in books for children were critiqued. Books “for free chil-
dren” were written. Once we ceased being critically vigilant, the sex-
ism began to reappear. Children’s literature is one of the most
crucial sites for feminist education for critical consciousness pre-
cisely because beliefs and identities are still being formed. And more
often than not narrow-minded thinking about gender continues to
be the norm on the playground. Public education for children has to
be a place where feminist activists continue to do the work of creat-
ing an unbiased curriculum.
Future feminist movement must necessarily think of feminist ed-
ucation as significant in the lives of everyone. Despite the economic
gains of individual feminist women, many women who have amassed
wealth or accepted the contribution of wealthy males, who are our al-
lies in struggle, we have created no schools founded on feminist
principles for girls and boys, for women and men. By failing to cre-
ate a mass-based educational movement to teach everyone about
feminism we allow mainstream patriarchal mass media to remain the
primary place where folks learn about feminism, and most of what
they learn is negative. Teaching feminist thought and theory to ev-
eryone means that we have to reach beyond the academic and even
the written word. Masses of folks lack the skills to read most femi-
nist books. Books on tape, songs, radio, and television are all ways to
24 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
share feminist knowledge. And of course we need a feminist televi-
sion network, which is not the same as a network for women. Galva-
nizing funds to create a feminist television network would help us
spread feminist thinking globally. If we cannot own a network, let’s
pay for time on an existing network. After years of ownership by
males who were not all anti-sexist Ms. magazine is now owned by
women who are all deeply committed to feminist principles. This is a
step in the right direction.
If we do not work to create a mass-based movement which offers
feminist education to everyone, females and males, feminist theory
and practice will always be undermined by the negative information
produced in most mainstream media. The citizens of this nation
cannot know the positive contributions feminist movement has
made to all our lives if we do not highlight these gains. Constructive
feminist contributions to the well-being of our communities and soci-
ety are often appropriated by the dominant culture which then pro-
jects negative representations of feminism. Most people have no
understanding of the myriad ways feminism has positively changed
all our lives. Sharing feminist thought and practice sustains feminist
movement. Feminist knowledge is for everybody.
5
OUR BODIES, OURSELVES Reproductive Rights
When contemporary feminist movement began the issues that were
projected as most relevant were those that were directly linked to the
experiences of highly educated white women (most of whom were
materially privileged.) Since feminist movement followed in the
wake of civil rights and sexual liberation it seemed appropriate at the
time that issues around the female body were foregrounded. Con-
trary to the image the mass media presented to the world, a feminist
movement starting with women burning bras at a Miss America
pageant and then later images of women seeking abortions, one of
the first issues which served as a catalyst for the formation of the
movement was sexuality – the issue being the rights of women to
choose when and with whom they would be sexual. The sexual ex-
ploitation of women’s bodies had been a common occurrence in
radical movements for social justice whether socialist, civil rights, etc.
When the so-called sexual revolution was at its peak the issue of
free love (which usually meant having as much sex as one wanted
with whomever one desired) brought females face to face with the
issue of unwanted pregnancy. Before there could be any gender equity
around the issue of free love women needed access to safe, effective con-
traceptives and abortions. While individual white women with class
privilege often had access to both these safeguards, most women
25
26 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
did not. Often individual women with class privilege were too
ashamed of unwanted pregnancy to make use of their more direct ac-
cess to responsible health care. The women of the late ’60s and early
’70s who clamored for abortions had seen the tragedies of illegal
abortions, the misery of forced marriages as a consequence of un-
wanted pregnancies. Many of us were the unplanned children of tal-
ented, creative women whose lives had been changed by unplanned
and unwanted pregnancies; we witnessed their bitterness, their rage,
their disappointment with their lot in life. And we were clear that
there could be no genuine sexual liberation for women and men
without better, safer contraceptives – without the right to a safe,
legal abortion.
In retrospect, it is evident that highlighting abortion rather than
reproductive rights as a whole reflected the class biases of the
women who were at the forefront of the movement. While the issue
of abortion was and remains relevant to all women, there were other
reproductive issues that were just as vital which needed attention
and might have served to galvanize masses. These issues ranged from
basic sex education, prenatal care, preventive health care that would
help females understand how their bodies worked, to forced steril-
ization, unnecessary cesareans and/or hysterectomies, and the
medical complications they left in their wake. Of all these issues in-
dividual white women with class privilege identified most intimately
with the pain of unwanted pregnancy. And they highlighted the
abortion issue. They were not by any means the only group in need of
access to safe, legal abortions. As already stated, they were far more
likely to have the means to acquire an abortion than poor and work-
ing-class women. In those days poor women, black women included,
often sought illegal abortions. The right to have an abortion was not a
white-women-only issue; it was simply not the only or even the most
important reproductive concern for masses of American women.
OUR BODIES, OURSELVES 27
The development of effective though not totally safe birth con-
trol pills (created by male scientists, most of whom were not anti-
sexist) truly paved the way for female sexual liberation more so than
abortion rights. Women like myself who were in our late teens when
the pill was first widely available were spared the fear and shame of
unwanted pregnancies. Responsible birth control liberated many
women like myself who were pro-choice but not necessarily pro-
abortion for ourselves from having to personally confront the issue.
While I never had an unwanted pregnancy in the heyday of sexual
liberation, many of my peers saw abortion as a better choice than
conscious, vigilant use of birth control pills. And they did frequently
use abortion as a means of birth control. Using the pill meant a
woman was directly confronting her choice to be sexually active.
Women who were more conscientious about birth control were of-
ten regarded as sexually loose by men. It was easier for some females
just to let things happen sexually then take care of the “problem”
later with abortions. We now know that both repeated abortions or
prolonged use of birth control pills with high levels of estrogen are
not risk-free. Yet women were willing to take risks to have sexual
freedom – to have the right to choose.
The abortion issue captured the attention of mass media be-
cause it really challenged the fundamentalist thinking of Christianity.
It directly challenged the notion that a woman’s reason for existence
was to bear children. It called the nation’s attention to the female
body as no other issue could have done. It was a direct challenge to
the church. Later all the other reproductive issues that feminist
thinkers called attention to were often ignored by mass media. The
long-range medical problems from cesareans and hysterectomies
were not juicy subjects for mass media; they actually called attention
to a capitalist patriarchal male-dominated medical system that con-
trolled women’s bodies and did with them anything they wanted to
;1
28 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
do. To focus on gender injustice in these arenas would have been
too radical for a mass media which remains deeply conservative and
for the most part anti-feminist.
No feminist activists in the late ’60s and early ’70s imagined that
we would have to wage a battle for women’s reproductive rights in
the ’90s. Once feminist movement created the cultural revolution
which made the use of relatively risk-free contraceptives acceptable
and the right to have a safe, legal abortion possible women simply
assumed those rights would no longer be questioned. The demise of
an organized, radical feminist mass-based political movement cou-
pled with anti-feminist backlash from an organized right-wing polit-
ical front which relies on fundamentalist interpretations of religion
placed abortion back on the political agenda. The right of females to
choose is now called into question.
Sadly the anti-abortion platform has most viciously targeted
state-funded, inexpensive, and, when need be, free abortions. As a
consequence women of all races who have class privilege continue
to have access to safe abortions – continue to have the right to
choose – while materially disadvantaged women suffer. Masses of
poor and working-class women lose access to abortion when there
is no government funding available for reproductive rights health
care. Women with class privilege do not feel threatened when abor-
tions can be had only if one has lots of money because they can still
have them. But masses of women do not have class power. More
women than ever before are entering the ranks of the poor and indi-
gent. Without the right to safe, inexpensive, and free abortions they
lose all control over their bodies. If we return to a world where abor-
tions are only accessible to those females with lots of money we risk
the return of public policy that will aim to make abortion illegal. It’s
already happening in many conservative states. Women of all classes
must continue to make abortions safe, legal, and affordable.
OUR BODIES, OURSELVES 29
The right of women to choose whether or not to have an abor-
tion is only one aspect of reproductive freedom. Depending on a
woman’s age and circumstance of life the aspect of reproductive
rights that matters most will change. A sexually active woman in her
20s or 30s who finds birth control pills unsafe may one day face an
unwanted pregnancy and the right to have a legal, safe, inexpensive
abortion may be the reproductive issue that is most relevant. But
when she is menopausal and doctors are urging her to have a hyster-
ectomy that may be the most relevant reproductive rights issue.
As we seek to rekindle the flames of mass-based feminist move-
ment reproductive rights will remain a central feminist agenda. If
women do not have the right to choose what happens to our bodies
we risk relinquishing rights in all other areas of our lives. In renewed
feminist movement the overall issue of reproductive rights will take
precedence over any single issue. This does not meant that the push
for legal, safe, inexpensive abortions will not remain central, it will
simply not be the only issue that is centralized. If sex education, pre-
ventive health care, and easy access to contraceptives are offered to
every female, fewer of us will have unwanted pregnancies. As a con-
sequence the need for abortions would diminish.
Losing ground on the issue of legal, safe, inexpensive abortion
means that women lose ground on all reproductive issues. The
anti-choice movement is fundamentally anti-feminist. While it is
possible for women to individually choose never to have an abor-
tion, allegiance to feminist politics means that they still are pro-choice,
that they support the right of females who need abortions to choose
whether or not to have them. Young females who have always had
access to effective contraception – who have never witnessed the
tragedies caused by illegal abortions – have no firsthand experience
of the powerlessness and vulnerability to exploitation that will al-
ways be the outcome if females do not have reproductive rights.
30 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
Ongoing discussion about the wide range of issues that come under
the heading of reproductive rights is needed if females of all ages
and our male allies in struggle are to understand why these rights are
important. This understanding is the basis of our commitment to
keeping reproductive rights a reality for all females. Feminist focus
on reproductive rights is needed to protect and sustain our freedom.
6
BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT
Challenging sexist thinking about the female body was one of the
most powerful interventions made by contemporary feminist move-
ment. Before women’s liberation all females young and old were so-
cialized by sexist thinking to believe that our value rested solely on
appearance and whether or not we were perceived to be good look-
ing, especially by men. Understanding that females could never be
liberated if we did not develop healthy self-esteem and self-love
feminist thinkers went directly to the heart of the matter – critically
examining how we feel and think about our bodies and offering con-
structive strategies for change. Looking back after years of feeling
comfortable choosing whether or not to wear a bra, I can remember
what a momentous decision this was 30 years ago. Women stripping
their bodies of unhealthy and uncomfortable, restrictive clothing-
bras, girdles, corsets, garter belts, etc. – was a ritualistic, radical re-
claiming of the health and glory of the female body. Females today
who have never known such restrictions can only trust us when we
say that this reclaiming was momentous.
On a deeper level this ritual validated women wearing comfort-
able clothing on all levels in our lives. Just to be able to wear pants to
work was awesome to many women, whose jobs had required them
to be constantly bending and stooping over. For women who had
31
32 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
never been comfortable in dresses and skirts all these changes were
exciting. Today they can appear trivial to females who have been
able to freely choose what they want to wear from childhood on.
Many adult women embracing feminism stopped wearing crippling,
uncomfortable high-heeled shoes. These changes led the shoe-
making industry to design comfortable low shoes for women. No
longer forced by sexist tradition to wear make-up, women looked in
the mirror and learned to face ourselves just the way we are.
The clothing and revolution created by feminist interventions
let females know that our flesh was worthy oflove and adoration in its
natural state; nothing had to be added unless a woman chose further
adornment. Initially, capitalist investors in the cosmetic and fashion
industry feared that feminism would destroy their business. They
put their money behind mass-media campaigns which trivialized
women’s liberation by portraying images which suggested feminists
were big, hypermasculine, and just plain old ugly. In reality, women
involved in feminist movement came in all shapes and sizes. We
were utterly diverse. And how thrilling to be free to appreciate our
differences without judgment or competition.
There was a period in the early days of feminism when many ac-
tivists abdicated all interest in fashion and appearance. These indi-
viduals often harshly critiqued any woman who showed an interest
in frilly feminine attire or make-up. Most of us were excited to have
options. And given choice, we usually decided in the direction of
comfort and ease. It has never been a simple matter for women to
unite a love of beauty and style with comfort and ease. Women had
to demand that the fashion industry (which was totally
male-dominated in those days) create diverse styles of clothing. Maga-
zines changed (feminist activists called for more women writers and
articles on serious subjects). For the first time in our nation’s history
women were compelled to acknowledge the strength of our con-
BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT 33
sumer dollars, using that power to create positive change.
Challenging the industry of sexist-defined fashion opened up
the space for females to examine for the first time in our lives the
pathological, life-threatening aspects of appearance obsession.
Compulsive eating and compulsive starvation were highlighted.
While they created different “looks,” these life-threatening addic-
tions had the same root. Feminist movement compelled the sexist
medical establishment to pay attention to these issues. Initially this
establishment ignored feminist critique. But when feminists began
to create health centers, providing a space for female-centered, posi-
tive health care, the medical industry realized that, as with fashion,
masses of women would take their consumer dollars and move in
the direction of those health care facilities which provided the
greater care, ease, and respect for women’s bodies. All the positive
changes in the medical establishment’s attitudes towards the female
body, towards female health care, are the direct outcome of feminist
struggle. When it comes to the issue of medical care, of taking our
bodies seriously, women continue to challenge and confront the
medical industry. This is one of the few places where feminist strug-
gle garners mass support from women, whether they are or are not
committed to feminist politics. We see the collective power of
women when it comes to gynecological matters, to those forms of
cancer (especially breast cancer) that threaten females more than
males, and more recently in the area of heart disease.
Feminist struggle to end eating disorders has been an ongoing
battle because our nation’s obsession with judging females of all
ages on the basis of how we look was never completely eliminated.
It continues to grip our cultural imagination. By the early ’80s many
women were moving away from feminism. While all females reaped
the benefits of feminist interventions, more and more females
were embracing anew sexist-defined notions of beauty. Individual
34 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
women who had been in their early 20s when contemporary femi-
nist movement began were moving into their late 40s and 50s. Even
though feminist changes in the way we see female bodies have made
aging a more positive experience for women, facing the reality of ag-
ing in patriarchal society, particularly the reality of no longer being
able biologically to bear children, led many women to adopt anew
the old sexist notions of feminine beauty.
Nowadays, more than ever before in our nation’s history, a huge
number of heterosexual women past 40 were and are still single.
Finding themselves in competition with younger women (many of
whom are not and will never be feminist) for male attention they of-
ten emulate sexist representations of female beauty. Certainly it was
in the interest of a white supremacist capitalist patriarchal fashion
and cosmetic industry to re-glamorize sexist-defined notions of
beauty. Mass media has followed suit. In movies, on television, and
in public advertisements images of reed-thin, dyed-blonde women
looking as though they would kill for a good meal have become the
norm. Back with a vengeance, sexist images of female beauty
abound and threaten to undo much of the progress gained by femi-
nist interventions.
Tragically, even though females are more aware than ever be-
fore of the widespread problem of life-threatening eating disorders
in our nation’s history, a large group of females from the very young
to the very old are still starving themselves to be thin. The disease of
anorexia has become a commonplace theme, a subject in books,
movies, etc. But no dire warnings work to deter females who believe
their worth, beauty, and intrinsic value will be determined by
whether or not they are thin. Today’s fashion magazines may carry
an article about the dangers of anorexia while bombarding its read-
ers with images of emaciated young bodies representing the height
of beauty and desirability. The confusing message is most damaging
BEAUTY WITHIN AND WITHOUT 35
to those females who have never claimed a feminist politics. Yet
there are recent feminist interventions aimed at renewing our efforts
to affirm the natural beauty of female bodies.
Girls today are often just as self-hating when it comes to their
bodies as their pre-feminist counterparts were. While feminist move-
ment produced many types of pro-female magazines, no feminist-
oriented fashion magazine appeared to offer all females alternative
visions of beauty. To critique sexist images without offering alterna-
tives is an incomplete intervention. Critique in and of itself does not
lead to change. Indeed, much feminist critique of beauty has merely
left females confused about what a healthy choice is. As a middle-aged
woman gaining more weight than ever before in my life, I want to
work at shedding pounds without deploying sexist body self-hatred
to do so. Nowadays, in a fashion world, especially on the consumer
side, where clothing that looks like it has been designed simply for
reed-thin adolescent girl bodies is the norm, all females no matter
their age are being socialized either consciously or unconsciously to
have anxiety about their body, to see flesh as problematic. While we
are fortunate that some stores carry beautiful clothing for women of
all sizes and shapes, often this clothing is far more pricey than the
cheaper clothing the fashion industry markets towards the general
public. Increasingly today’s fashion magazines look like the maga-
zines of the past. More and more bylines are by males. Seldom do ar-
ticles have a feminist perspective or feminist content. And the
fashions portrayed tend to reflect sexist sensibility.
These changes have been unacknowledged publicly because so
many of the feminist women who have come to mature adulthood
exercise their freedom of choice and seek healthy alternative models
of beauty. However, if we abandon the struggle to eliminate sexist
defined notions of beauty altogether, we risk undermining all the
marvelous feminist interventions which allowed us to embrace our
36 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
bodies and ourselves and love them. Although all females are more
aware of the pitfalls and dangers of embracing sexist notions of fe-
male beauty, we are not doing enough to eliminate those dangers –
to create alternatives.
Young girls and adolescents will not know that feminist think-
ers acknowledge both the value of beauty and adornment if we con-
tinue to allow patriarchal sensibilities to inform the beauty industry
in all spheres. Rigid feminist dismissal of female longings for beauty
has undermined feminist politics. While this sensibility is more un-
common, it is often presented by mass media as the way feminists
think. Until feminists go back to the beauty industry, go back to
fashion, and create an ongoing, sustained revolution, we will not be
free. We will not know how to love our bodies as ourselves.
7
FEMINIST CLASS STRUGGLE
Class difference and the way in which it divides women was an issue
women in feminist movement talked about long before race. In the
mostly white circles of a newly formed women’s liberation move-
ment the most glaring separation between women was that of class.
White working-class women recognized that class hierarchies were
present in the movement. Conflict arose between the reformist vi-
sion of women’s liberation which basically demanded equal rights
for women within the existing class structure, and more radical
and/ or revolutionary models, which called for fundamental change
in the existing structure so that models of mutuality and equality
could replace the old paradigms. However, as feminist movement
progressed and privileged groups of well-educated white women be-
gan to achieve equal access to class power with their male counter-
parts, feminist class struggle was no longer deemed important.
From the onset of the movement women from privileged
classes were able to make their concerns “the” issues that should be
focused on in part because they were the group of women who re-
ceived public attention. They attracted mass media. The issues that
were most relevant to working women or masses of women were
never highlighted by mainstream mass media. Betty Friedan’s The
Feminist Mystique identified “the problem that has no name” as the
37
38 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
dissatisfaction females felt about being confined and subordinated
in the home as housewives. While this issue was presented as a crisis
for women it really was only a crisis for a small group of well-educated
white women. While they were complaining about the dangers of
confinement in the home a huge majority of women in the nation
were in the workforce. And many of these working women, who put in
long hours for low wages while still doing all the work in the domes-
tic household would have seen the right to stay home as “freedom.”
It was not gender discrimination or sexist oppression that kept
privileged women of all races from working outside the home, it was
the fact that the jobs that would have been available to them would
have been the same low-paying unskilled labor open to all working
women. Elite groups of highly educated females stayed at home
rather than do the type of work large numbers of lower-middle-class
and working-class women were doing. Occasionally, a few of these
women defied convention and worked outside the home perform-
ing tasks way below their educational skills and facing resistance
from husbands and family. It was this resistance that turned the is-
sue of their working outside the home into an issue of gender dis-
crimination and made opposing patriarchy and seeking equal rights
with men of their class the political platform that chose feminism
rather than class struggle.
From the outset, reformist white women with class privilege
were well aware that the power and freedom they wanted was the
freedom they perceived men of their class enjoying. Their resistance
to patriarchal male domination in the domestic household provided
them with a connection they could use to unite across class with
other women who were weary of male domination. But only privi-
leged women had the luxury to imagine working outside the home
would actually provide them with an income which would enable
them to be economically self-sufficient. Working-class women al-
FEMINIST CLASS STRUGGLE 39
ready knew that the wages they received would not liberate them.
Reformist efforts on the part of privileged groups of women to
change the workforce so that women workers would be paid more
and face less gender-based discrimination and harassment on the
job had positive impact on the lives of all women. And these gains
are important. Yet the fact that the privileged gained in class power
while masses of women still do not receive wage equity with men is
an indication of the way in which class interests superceded feminist
efforts to change the workforce so that women would receive equal
pay for equal work.
Lesbian feminist thinkers were among the first activists to raise
the issue of class in feminist movement expressing their viewpoints
in an accessible language. They were a group of women who had not
imagined they could depend on husbands to support them. And
they were often much more aware than their straight counterparts of
the difficulties all women would face in the workforce. In the early
’70s anthologies like Class and Feminism) edited by Charlotte Bunch
and Nancy Myron, published work written by women from diverse
class backgrounds who were confronting the issue in feminist cir-
cles. Each essay emphasized the fact that class was not simply a
question of money. In “The Last Straw,” Rita Mae Brown (who was
not a famous writer at the time) clearly stated:
Class is much more than Marx’s definition of relationship to the
means of production. Class involved your behavior, your basic
assumptions, how you are taught to behave, what you expect
from yourself and from others, your concept of a future, how you
understand problems and solve them, how you think, feel, act.
These women who entered feminist groups made up of diverse
classes were among the first to see that the vision of a politically
based sisterhood where all females would unite together to fight pa-
40 FEMINISM IS FOR EVERYBODY
triarchy could not emerge until the issue of class was confronted.
Placing class on feminist agendas opened up the space where
the intersections of class and race were made apparent. Within the
institutionalized race, sex, class social system in our society black fe-
males were clearly at the bottom of the economic totem pole. Ini-
tially, well-educated white women from working-class backgrounds
were more visible than black females of all classes in feminist move-
ment. They were a minority within the movement, but theirs was the
voice of experience. They knew better than their privileged- class
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