Psychology Papaer

Third Edition

Women’s Lives A PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPLORATION

Claire A. Etaugh Bradley University

Judith S. Bridges University of Connecticut at Hartford, Emerita

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First published 2013, 2010, 2006 by Pearson Education, Inc.

Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY, 10017, USA

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

Copyright © 2013, 2010, 2006 Taylor & Francis. All rights reserved

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.

Notices: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.

Credits and acknowledgments borrowed from other sources and reproduced, with permission, in this textbook appear on appropriate page within text on page 490.

ISBN: 9780205255634 (pbk)

Cover Designer: Suzanne Behnke

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Etaugh, Claire.  Women’s lives : a psychological exploration / Claire A. Etaugh, Judith S. Bridges. — 3rd ed.   p. cm.  Includes bibliographical references and index.  ISBN-13: 978-0-205-25563-4  ISBN-10: 0-205-25563-9  1. Women—Psychology. 2. Women—North America—Social conditions. I. Bridges, Judith S. II. Title.  HQ1206.E883 2012  155.3′33—dc23

2011051405

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Chapter 1

Chapter 2

CONTENTS

Preface

Introduction to the Psychology of Women Definitions: Sex and Gender Women and Men: Similar or Different?

Similarities Approach Differences Approach

Feminism History of Women in Psychology

■ GET INVOLVED 1.1: How Do People View Feminism? Women and the American Psychological Association Women’s Contributions

History of the Psychology of Women The Early Years The Recent Years

Studying the Psychology of Women Bias in Psychological Research ■ GET INVOLVED 1.2: Are Samples in Psychological Research Biased? Feminist Research Methods ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 1.1: Doing Cross-Cultural Research on Gender Drawing Conclusions From Multiple Studies ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 1.1: Principles of Feminist Research

Themes in the Text Theme 1: Intersectionality: The Diversity of Women’s Identities and

Experiences Theme 2: Gender Differences in Power ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 1.1: Help Empower Girls and Women Theme 3: Social Construction of Gender

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Cultural Representation of Gender Stereotypes of Females and Males

The Content of Gender Stereotypes ■ GET INVOLVED 2.1: How Do You View Typical Females and Males? The Perceiver’s Ethnicity and Gender Stereotypes The Target’s Characteristics and Gender Stereotypes

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Chapter 3

Stereotypes of Girls and Boys Bases for Gender Stereotypes Stereotypes Based on Identity Labels

Sexism: Experiences And Attitudes Experiences With Sexism Changes in Sexist Attitudes Over Time Modern Sexism Ambivalent Sexism ■ GET INVOLVED 2.2: Who Holds Modern Sexist Beliefs? ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 2.1: Benevolent Sexism Is a Global Phenomenon

Representation of Gender in the Media Pattern 1: Underrepresentation of Females ■ GET INVOLVED 2.3: How Are Females and Males Portrayed on Prime- Time Television? Pattern 2: Underrepresentation of Specific Groups of Females ■ GET INVOLVED 2.4: Media Advertisements and the Double Standard of

Aging Pattern 3: Portrayal of Gender-Based Social Roles Pattern 4: Depiction of Female Communion and Male Agency Pattern 5: Emphasis on Female Attractiveness and Sexuality Impact of Gender-Role Media Images ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 2.1: Are Babies Portrayed Stereotypically in Birth Congratulations Cards? ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 2.1: Increase Girls’ and Women’s Awareness of the Effects of Media ■ GET INVOLVED 2.5: Are Both Women and Men Persons?

Representation of Gender in the English Language Language Practices Based on the Assumption That Male Is Normative Negative Terms for Females Significance of the Differential Treatment of Females and Males in

Language Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Gender Self-Concept and Gender Attitudes Gender Self-Concept Prenatal Development

Stages of Prenatal Sex Differentiation Intersexuality ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 3.1: Multiple Genders

Theories of Gender Typing Psychoanalytic Theory

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Chapter 4

Social Learning Theory Cognitive Developmental Theory Gender Schema Theory ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 3.1: Ways to Minimize Gender Schemas in Children

Gender-Related Traits Changes in Gender-Related Traits Over Time ■ GET INVOLVED 3.1: What Are Your Gender-Related Traits? Gender-Related Traits and Psychological Adjustment Evaluation of the Concept of Androgyny ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 3.1: A Real-Life Approach to Androgyny

Gender Attitudes ■ GET INVOLVED 3.2: What Are Your Gender Attitudes? ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 3.2: Gender Attitudes in Global Context

Individual differences in Gender-related attitudes ■ GET INVOLVED 3.3: Ethnic Variations in Gender Attitudes

Perceived Value of Female Versus Male Gender-Related Attributes ■ GET INVOLVED 3.4: Would You Rather Be a Female or a Male?

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Infancy, Childhood, and Adolescence Children’s Knowledge and Beliefs About Gender

Distinguishing Between Females and Males Gender Identity and Self-Perceptions Gender Stereotypes ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 4.1: Gender Stereotypes About Occupations

Gender-Related Activities And Interests Physical Performance and Sports ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 4.1: How Do Children Develop Gender Stereotypes in Other Cultures? Toys and Play Gender Segregation ■ GET INVOLVED 4.1: Play Patterns of Girls and Boys

Influences On Gender Development Parents ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 4.2: Learning Gender-Related Roles at Home and at Play Siblings School Peers

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Chapter 5

Media Puberty

■ GET INVOLVED 4.2: Influences on Gender Development Events of Puberty Menarche Gender Differences in Puberty Early and Late Maturation in Girls

Psychosocial Development in Adolescence Identity Formation Self-Esteem Gender Intensification ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 4.1: Empowering Girls to Lead Social Change Body Image ■ GET INVOLVED 4.3: Perceptions of Actual and Desirable Physique

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Gender Comparisons Gender-Related Social Behaviors And Personality Traits

Aggression Prosocial Behavior Influenceability Emotionality Moral Reasoning

Communication Style Verbal Communication ■ GET INVOLVED 5.1: “Troubles Talk”: Effects of Gender on Communication Styles Nonverbal Communication

Gender Comparison of Cognitive Abilities Verbal Ability Visual-Spatial Ability Mathematics Ability ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 5.1: Gender Differences in Mathematics Achievement Around the World ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 5.1: Factors Linked to Women’s Perspectives on Math ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 5.2: Gender, Computers, and Video Games ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 5.1: Encouraging Girls in Math and Science

Summary Key Terms

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Chapter 6

Chapter 7

What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Sexuality Sexuality

Sexual anatomy and Sexual Response Sexual Attitudes Sexual Behaviors Sexual Problems

Lesbians, Gay Men, Bisexuals, And Transgender Individuals ■ GET INVOLVED 6.1: Attitudes Toward Lesbians Bisexuals Attitudes Toward Sexual Minorities ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 6.1: Sexual Minorities Around the World Explanations of Sexual Orientation ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 6.1: Supporting Rights of Sexual Minorities

Sexual Activity During Adolescence Frequency of Sexual Activity ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 6.1: Hook-Ups and Friends With Benefits Factors Associated with Sexual Activity The Double Standard Sexual Desire

Sexual Activity in Midlife Physical Changes Patterns of Sexual Activity

Sexual Activity in Later Life Benefits of Sexual Activity in Later Life ■ GET INVOLVED 6.2: Attitudes Toward Sexuality in Later Life Sexual Behavior of Older People Factors Affecting Sexual Behavior Enhancing Sexuality in Later Life

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Reproductive System and Childbearing Menstruation

The Menstrual Cycle Menstrual Pain Attitudes Toward Menstruation Menstrual Joy

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Chapter 8

Premenstrual Syndrome ■ GET INVOLVED 7.1: Menstrual Symptoms

Contraception Contraception in Adolescence Methods of Contraception

Abortion Incidence Methods Consequences of Abortion ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 7.1: Women’s Reproductive Lives Around the World

Pregnancy Pregnancy: Physical and Psychological Changes ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 7.2: Female Genital Cutting ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 7.1: Help Increase Reproductive Choices of Girls and Women ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 7.3: Pregnancy-Related Deaths Around the World Miscarriage Teenage Pregnancy ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 7.4: Why Is the Teen Pregnancy Rate So High in the United States?

Childbirth Stages of Childbirth Methods of Childbirth Childbearing After 35 Childbearing in the Later Years ■ GET INVOLVED 7.2: Pregnancy and Childbirth Experiences Postpartum Distress Infertility and Assisted Reproductive Technology

Reproductive Functioning in Midlife and Beyond Menopause ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 7.1: Childfree by Choice ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 7.5: Menopause: Symbol of Decline or of Higher Status? Hormone Replacement Therapy

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Relationships Friendships

Friendship in Adolescence Friendship in Adulthood

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Friendship in Later Life Romantic Relationships

Desirable Qualities in a Partner Perception of Sexual Interest ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 8.1: What Do People in Other Cultures Look for in a Mate? Dating ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 8.1: Dating Issues for Women With Physical Disabilities ■ GET INVOLVED 8.1: Dating Scripts of Women and Men

Committed Relationship Marriage Cohabitation Lesbian Relationships

Single Women Divorced Women Never-Married Women Widowed Women Women Who Have Lost a Same-Sex Partner

Motherhood Stereotypes of Mothers Single Mothers ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 8.1: Help Address Issues of Parenting and Work- Family Balancing Lesbian Mothers Mothers With Disabilities The “Empty Nest” Period ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 8.2: Adult Children of Lesbian Mothers

Relationships in the Later Years ■ GET INVOLVED 8.2: Women’s Experiences During the Empty Nest Period Siblings Adult Children ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 8.2: Living Arrangements of Older Women and Men Grandchildren ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 8.3: Grandmothers: The Difference Between Life and Death Parents ■ GET INVOLVED 8.3: Interview With Older Women

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Know More Websites

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Chapter 9

Chapter 10

Education and Achievement Women’s Educational Goals, Attainments, and Campus Experiences

Educational Goals Educational Attainments ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 9.1: Is There a “Boy Crisis” in Education? ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 9.1: Educating Girls Worldwide: Gender Gaps and Gains Campus Climate ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 9.2: The Oppressive Educational Climate Under Taliban Rule ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 9.1: Promote Education of Girls Worldwide

Women’s Work-Related Goals ■ GET INVOLVED 9.1: Does Your Campus Have a Hospitable Environment for Women? Career Aspirations Career Counseling Work-Family Expectations Work-Family Outcomes Salary Expectations

Influences on Women’s Achievement Level and Career Decisions Orientation to Achievement Personal Characteristics Sexual Orientation Social and Cultural Factors ■ GET INVOLVED 9.2: Family and Cultural Values About Education and Career Goals Job-Related Characteristics

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Employment Women’s Employment Rates and Occupational Choices

Employment Rates Occupational Choices ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 10.1: Job Retention and Advancement Among Low-Income Mothers

Gender Differences in Leadership and Job Advancement Leadership Positions Barriers That Hinder Women’s Advancement Women as Leaders

Gender Differences in Salaries Comparative Salaries

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Chapter 11

Reasons for Differences in Salaries ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 10.1: Effectively Negotiate Your Salary ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 10.1: Girls and Women in the Global Factory ■ GET INVOLVED 10.1: Gender-Based Treatment in the Workplace

Women’s Job Satisfaction Gender Differences in Satisfaction Job Satisfaction of Sexual Minorities

The Older Woman Worker Employment Rates Why Do Older Women Work? Entering the Workforce in Later Life Age Discrimination in the Workplace

Changing the Workplace Organizational Procedures and Policies Strategies for Women ■ GET INVOLVED 10.2: Ways to Make the Workplace Better for Women

Retirement The Retirement Decision ■ GET INVOLVED 10.3: Interview With Older Women: Work and Retirement Adjustment to Retirement Leisure Activities in Retirement ■ GET INVOLVED 10.4: Leisure Activities of Older and Young Women

Economic Issues in Later Life Poverty Retirement Income: Planning Ahead ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 10.2: Economic Status of Older Women ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 10.2: Start Planning for Retirement

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Balancing Family and Work Women’s Family and Employment Roles: Perceptions and Attitudes

Perceptions of Working and Stay-at-Home Mothers ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 11.1: Are Women “Opting Out” of Careers? ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 11.1: Attitudes Toward Married Women’s Employment: A Cross-Cultural Perspective Factors Influencing Attitudes Toward Women’s Multiple Roles

Division of Family Labor ■ GET INVOLVED 11.1: How Do College Students Evaluate Mothers Who Are Full-Time Students?

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Chapter 12

Housework and Child Care Caring for Aging Parents Leisure Time Women’s Perceptions of the Division of Family Labor Explanations of the Division of Family Labor

Family–Work Coordination Balancing Family and Work: Costs and Benefits ■ GET INVOLVED 11.2: What Psychological Experiences Do You Think You Will Have If You Combine Employment and Motherhood? Effects of Mothers’ Employment Solutions to Family–Work Balancing Challenges ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 11.2: Parental Leave Policies Around the World ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 11.2: How Do Tag-Team Parents Reconcile Their Own Roles With Their Traditional Gender Attitudes?

Midlife Transitions in Family and Work Roles ■ GET INVOLVED 11.3: Women’s Experiences in Coordinating Family and Work Roles ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 11.1: Advocate for Family-Friendly Work Policies Satisfaction With Life Roles Regrets About Life Direction Making Changes Midlife Transitions: A Cautionary Note

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Physical Health Health Services

The Physician–Patient Relationship Type and Quality of Care Ethnicity, Poverty, and Health Care Women With Disabilities and Health Care Sexual Minority Women and Health Care Health Insurance

Sexually Transmitted Infections (STIs) ■ GET INVOLVED 12.1: What Women Say About Their Health Overview of STIs AIDS ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 12.1: Knowledge and Communication About STIs ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 12.1: The Global AIDS Epidemic

Reproductive System Disorders Benign Conditions

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Chapter 13

Cancers Hysterectomy

Osteoporosis Risk Factors Prevention and Treatment

Heart Disease Gender Differences Risk Factors Risk Diagnosis and Treatment Psychological Impact

Breast Cancer Risk Factors ■ GET INVOLVED 12.2: Assessing Your Risk Breast Cancer Detection ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 12.1: Doing a Breast Self-Examination Treatment Psychological Impact

Lung Cancer Risk Factors Detection and Treatment

Physical Health in Later Life Gender Differences in Mortality Social Class and Ethnic Differences ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 12.2: Health Report Card for Women Around the World Gender Differences in Illness Disability

Promoting Good Health Physical Activity and Exercise ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 12.2: Health Report Card for Women Around the World Nutrition

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Mental Health Factors Promoting Mental Health

Social Support Optimism: “The Power of Positive Thinking”

Mental Health in Childhood and Adolescence Internalizing Disorders in Girls Externalizing Disorders in Girls

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Chapter 14

Eating Disorders Types of Eating Disorders Causes of Eating Disorders Treatment of Eating Disorders ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 13.1: Cultural Pressure to Be Thin

Substance Use and Abuse Alcohol Illegal Substances

Anxiety Disorders and Depression Anxiety Disorders Depression ■ GET INVOLVED 13.1: How Do Women and Men Respond to Depression? Suicide ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 13.2: Gender Differences in Suicide: A Global Phenomenon

Mental Health of Sexual Minority Women Stresses and Problems Coping Mechanisms

Mental Health of Older Women Gender Differences The Vital Older Woman

Diagnosis and Treatment of Psychological Disorders Gender Bias in Diagnosis ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 13.1: Ways to Manage Stress and Promote Good Mental Health Gender Bias in Psychotherapy ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 13.1: What Is “Normal”? Gender Biases in Diagnosis Therapy Issues for Women of Color and Poor Women Types of Therapy

Summary Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

Violence Against Girls and Women Sexual Harassment at School

Elementary and Secondary School The College Campus ■ GET INVOLVED 14.1: What Constitutes Sexual Harassment on Campus?

Sexual Harassment in the Workplace ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 14.1: Reducing Sexual Harassment on Campus Incidence Consequences

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Explanations Women’s Responses

Stalking What Is Stalking? Perpetrators, Victims, and Effects

Violence Against Girls Child Sexual Abuse Infanticide and Neglect ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 14.1: Where Are the Missing Girls in Asia? ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 14.2: Girls for Sale: The Horrors of Human Trafficking

Dating Violence Incidence Who Engages in Dating Violence?

Rape Incidence Acquaintance Rape Factors Associated with Acquaintance Rape ■ GET INVOLVED 14.2: Gender and Rape Myths ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 14.3: Attitudes Toward Rape Victims Around the World Effects of Rape Rape Prevention ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 14.1: Positive Life Changes Following Sexual Assault Theories of Rape

Intimate Partner Violence Incidence Role of Disability, Social Class, and Ethnicity Risk Factors ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 14.4: Intimate Partner Violence Around the World Effects of Intimate Partner Violence Leaving the Abusive Relationship Theories of Intimate Partner Violence Interventions

Elder Abuse ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 14.5: A Global View of Elder Abuse Who Is Abused and Who Abuses? What Can Be Done? ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 14.2: Working to Combat Violence Summary

Key Terms What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More

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Chapter 15

Websites

A Feminist Future Feminist Goals

Goal One: Gender Equality in Organizational Power Goal Two: Gender Equality in Relationship Power Goal Three: Gender Equality in Power for All Groups of Women Goal Four: Greater Flexibility in the Social Construction of Gender

Actions to Achieve These Goals Research and Teaching Socialization of Children ■ LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 15.1: Why and How Should We Raise Feminist Children? Institutional Procedures Individual Actions Collective Action ■ WHAT YOU CAN DO 15.1: Become an Advocate ■ EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 15.1: Women’s Movements Worldwide ■ GET INVOLVED 15.1: A Perfect Future Day

Feminist Beliefs ■ GET INVOLVED 15.2: How Do You View Feminism? Feminist Identification Emergence of Feminist Beliefs Men and Feminism ■ GET INVOLVED 15.3: How Involved in Feminist Activism Are You?

Postscript Summary What Do You Think? If You Want to Learn More Websites

References

Name Index

Subject Index

Photo Credits

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PREFACE

Over the last few decades, the burgeoning interest in psychology of women has been reflected in a rapidly expanding body of research and a growing number of college-level courses in the psychology of women or gender. The third edition of Women’s Lives: A Psychological Exploration draws on this rich literature to present a broad range of experiences and issues of relevance to girls and women. Because it does not presuppose any background in psychology, this book can be used as the sole or primary text in introductory-level psychology of women courses and, with other books, in psychology of gender or interdisciplinary women’s studies courses. Additionally, its presentation of both current and classical research and theory makes it a suitable choice, along with supplementary materials, for more advanced courses focused on the psychology of women or gender.

Every chapter in this textbook reflects substantial changes in this field during the past few years. We have made several changes based on the extremely helpful comments from reviewers and the many students and faculty who have used the two life span editions and the two topical editions of this book. This new topical revision includes the following highlights:

Over 2,100 new references emphasize the latest research and theories, with more than half from 2010 to the present. What You Can Do, a new boxed feature in each chapter, provides students with hands-on activities to both empower themselves and help promote a more egalitarian society. Explore Other Cultures, another boxed feature in each chapter, gives students an understanding of the role of cultural, social, and economic factors that shape women’s lives around the world. Get Involved is a set of activities in each chapter that promotes active student participation in research. The unique life span approach of two previous chronological editions is embedded within topical chapters on sexuality, reproduction and childbearing, education and achievement, employment, physical health, mental health, and violence against girls and women. Coverage of the lives of women in the middle and later years is far more extensive than in any other textbook in the field. An updated list of Websites and current books at the end of each chapter provides students with resources for additional study and research. Expanded use of vignettes and quotes from women adds richness to the data and helps students personally connect with the material. New and expanded coverage of many topics reflects scientific and social

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developments of the second decade of the new millennium.

These changes are broken down by chapter and include:

Chapter 1: New organizing theme: Intersectionality New material on ethnic women psychologists Chapter 2: Updated information on stereotypes related to gender, age, class, ethnicity,

ableness, and sexual orientation New research on representation of diverse groups of women in the media Chapter 3: Updated information on multiple genders New material on women leaders of Native American nations Chapter 4: Expanded section on children’s gendered occupational choices New material on the social construction of menarche, self-esteem in

adolescent girls, and factors that influence body image Chapter 5: Updated findings on relational aggression Expanded section on cultural factors affecting girls’ math achievement Chapter 6: New section on hook-ups and friends with benefits Expanded coverage of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals New research on sexual activity of women throughout the life span Chapter 7: Current trends in birthrates of teens and women over 35 Updated information on assisted reproductive technology, menopause, and

hormone replacement therapy New material on attitudes toward pregnancy in employed women and in

women with disabilities Chapter 8: Recent trends in dating Expanded sections on marital satisfaction, cohabitation, and single mothers Updated information on same-sex marriages and civil unions in the United

States and abroad Chapter 9: Expanded section on the educational and occupational goals and achievements

of girls and young women Updated material on the education of the girls in developing nations New material on the academic environment for women of color and for low-

income women

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Chapter 10: New coverage of workplace issues for women with disabilities, immigrant

women, low-income women, and sexual minority women Updated information on challenges for women in leadership roles Chapter 11: Expanded coverage of dual-income couples and the “opting out” controversy Updated research on the benefits and costs of work–family balancing Chapter 12: New section on lung cancer in women New section of health care issues for women with disabilities Expanded coverage of health care issues for sexual minority women, ethnic

minority women, low-income women, and immigrant women The latest information on heart disease, breast cancer, and sexually transmitted

infections in women Chapter 13: Expanded coverage on reducing stress and promoting good mental health Updated research on mental health issues of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and

transgender individuals Chapter 14: New section on stalking Expanded coverage of sexual harassment on college campuses and in the

workplace, and on intimate partner violence in the United States and abroad Updated information on human trafficking,

acquaintance rape, and elder abuse Chapter 15: Updated coverage of women’s movements worldwide Additional information on men and feminism

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SPECIAL FEATURES RELATED TO CONTENT AND ORGANIZATION LIFE SPAN APPROACH EMBEDDED WITHIN TOPICAL CHAPTERS. Virtually all textbooks on the psychology of women or psychology of gender use a topical approach and also include two or three chronological chapters. Typically, there is a chapter or two on childhood and adolescence and one on women in the middle and later years. Almost all coverage of midlife and older women is contained in that one chapter. The result is that many of the issues and experiences relating to women in midlife and beyond are barely touched on or simply are not covered at all. These older women remain relatively invisible.

Our approach is different. We have taken the unique life span approach of our two earlier chronologically focused texts and have embedded this approach within almost all chapters, including topical chapters on sexuality, reproduction and childbearing, education and achievement, employment, physical health, mental health, and violence against girls and women. Midlife and older women are discussed in all chapters except the one on infancy, childhood, and adolescence.

INTERSECTIONAL APPROACH THAT INTEGRATES WOMEN’S DIVERSE IDENTITIES. The text provides extensive coverage of women of color, women in other cultures around the world, and sexual minority women. Although there is less information available, we have also included material on low-income women and women with disabilities whenever possible. New to this edition, we have used an intersectional perspective that integrates women’s diverse identities within each chapter rather than examining subgroups of women in separate chapters. We emphasize that women’s identities are shaped not simply by adding the effects of their class, ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, physical ability, religion, and nationality, but by a complex combination of all these characteristics in which the whole is greater than the sum of its parts.

THOROUGH EXAMINATION OF BALANCING FAMI LY AND WORK. It is clear that the balancing of family and work has become a major issue facing families around the globe. We have devoted an entire chapter to this timely topic in order to thoroughly explore the theories, challenges, benefits, and solutions associated with this worldwide reality of the twenty-first century.

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PEDAGOGICAL FEATURES INTRODUCTORY OUTLINE. Each chapter begins with an outline of the material, thus providing an organizational framework for reading the material.

OPENING VIGNETTES. To grab students’ attention and connect the material to real life, each chapter begins with one or two actual or hypothetical experiences illustrating one or more issues discussed in the chapter.

WHAT YOU CAN DO. A new boxed feature in this edition provides students with experiential activities that help them to both empower themselves and help promote a more egalitarian society.

WHAT DO YOU THINK? The text includes critical-thinking questions in every chapter. The end-of-the-chapter questions foster skills in synthesis and evaluation by asking the student to apply course material or personal experiences to provocative issues from the chapter.

GET INVOLVED. As a means of providing firsthand involvement in the material, each chapter contains a number of student activities. Some require collecting data on a small number of respondents and others focus solely on the student. Furthermore, each exercise is accompanied by critical-thinking questions that focus on explanations and implications of the activity’s findings.

The active learning involved in these activities serves several purposes. First, it reinforces the material learned in the text. Second, those exercises that involve surveys of other people or analyses of societal artifacts introduce students to the research process, which, in turn, can stimulate interest in research, increase familiarity with a variety of assessment techniques, and provoke critical evaluation of research techniques. Third, the Get Involved activities demonstrate the relevance of the course material to students’ experiences or to the experiences of important people in their lives.

EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES. In order to provide students with a deeper appreciation of women in a global context, each chapter contains between one and five boxed features highlighting the role of cultural, social, and economic factors in shaping women’s lives around the world.

LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH. To stimulate students’ interest in and appreciation of research as a source of knowledge about girls and women, each chapter has one or two boxed sections that focus on research. These Learn About the Research sections either highlight an interesting recent study or present an overview of recent findings in an intriguing research area. We expose students to a variety of research

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techniques (content analysis, interviews, questionnaires) without requiring that they have any background in psychological research methods. Furthermore, to highlight the importance of diversity in research samples, our selections include studies of underrepresented populations.

Following the research presentation are What Does It Mean? questions. These provoke more critical thinking by asking the student to consider a variety of issues related to the research, such as explanations and implications of the findings.

KEY TERMS. Terms in bold and definitions in italics within the text help students preview, understand, and review important concepts. These terms appear again at the end of each chapter, along with the page number on which the term appears.

SUMMARY. The point-by-point end-of-the-chapter summary helps students synthesize the material.

IF YOU WANT TO KNOW MORE. Recommended readings at the end of each chapter facilitate more extensive examination of the material. This edition includes more than 100 new and current recommended books to stimulate students to expand their knowledge.

WEBSITES. An updated list of Websites at the end of each chapter provides students with additional resources.

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WRITING STYLE In order to engage the student and construct a nonhierarchical relationship between ourselves and the student, we use a nonpedantic first-person writing style. To reinforce this relationship in some of the opening vignettes and within the text, we have also presented our own experiences or those of our friends, families, and students.

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SUPPLEMENTS Please visit the companion website at www.routledge.com/9780205255634

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS We owe a great deal to the many reviewers whose expert suggestions and insights were invaluable in the development of this book. Our sincere thanks to all of you who reviewed the text for the third edition specifically: Sara Buday, University of Missouri, St. Louis; Mary Dolan, California State University, San Bernardino; Jenelle Fitch, Texas Women’s University; Ann Fuehrer, Miami University; Bree Kessler, Hunter College; Robin Kowalski, Clemson University; Joyce Quaytman, University of California, Chico; Jennifer Taylor, Humboldt State University.

It has been a pleasure to work with the publishing professionals at Pearson. In particular, we acknowledge the invaluable support and assistance of Susan Hartman, our editor for this book. We also are deeply indebted to Trish Blattenberger, who flawlessly and cheerfully carried out the mind-boggling tasks of locating and keeping track of over 2,100 new references, recording hundreds of track changes, securing permissions, proofreading, and carrying out numerous other tasks essential to the production of this book. In addition, kudos to Pat Campbell and Patti Hall for their help with the author index. We are grateful as well for the assistance of Robert Ray of the Chicago Public Library.

Thanks also to the students in our Psychology of Women courses who provided excellent editorial suggestions on earlier versions of the manuscript and for whom, ultimately, this book is written.

Finally, the book could not have been completed without the loving support of our families. Judith thanks her mother, Ruth; mother-in-law, Hilde; and children, Rachel and Jason, and their spouses, Gray and Nora, for providing support and inspiration throughout this project. Also, her deepest appreciation goes to her husband Barry for his unwavering patience, understanding, and encouragement. Claire’s heartfelt thanks go to the women and men who have enriched her life and have been an endless source of encouragement and support: her parents, Martha and Lou; siblings, Paula, Bonnie, and Howard; children, Andi and Adam; grandchildren, Anthony and Isabel; and “extended family” of friends, Peggy, Pat, Pat, Barbara, Kevin, Pam, Suzanne, and Janis.

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CHAPTER 1

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Introduction to the Psychology of Women History and Research

Definitions: Sex and Gender Women and Men: Similar or Different?

Similarities Approach Differences Approach

Feminism History of Women in Psychology

Women and the American Psychological Association Women’s Contributions

History of the Psychology of Women The Early Years The Recent Years

Studying the Psychology of Women Bias in Psychological Research Feminist Research Methods Drawing Conclusions From Multiple Studies

Themes in the Text Theme 1: Intersectionality: The Diversity of Women’s Identities and Experiences Theme 2: Gender Differences in Power Theme 3: Social Construction of Gender

In 1965 when I (Judith) was applying to graduate schools, the chair of one psychology department informed me that my college grades met the criterion for male, but not female, admission into the program. That department (and others) had two sets of standards, and obviously, fewer women than men were admitted. When I look back at that time it is amazing to me to realize that I quietly accepted this

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I

pronouncement. I was disappointed but not outraged. I rejoiced at my acceptance by a comparable department but never thought to protest discriminatory admission policies (which were not unique to that department). A generation ago I did not identify this issue or any other gender inequality in institutional, legal, or interpersonal practices as a problem. However, over the last several decades my awareness and concern about these issues dramatically changed. Claire and I are deeply committed to gender equality in all areas of life and hope that this text will help illuminate both the progress women have made and the challenges that remain in the attainment of this important goal.

n this chapter we set the groundwork for the study of the psychology of women. We present major definitions, explore relevant history, examine research

issues, and discuss the themes of the book. We begin with a look at the difference between sex and gender.

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DEFINITIONS: SEX AND GENDER Psychologists do not agree completely on the definitions of the words sex and gender. Sex is used to refer either to whether a person is female or male or to sexual behavior. This ambiguity of definition sometimes can cause confusion. For example, Claire offered a course several years ago entitled “The Psychology of Sex Differences.” The course dealt with behavioral similarities and differences of females and males. After the first day of class, some students approached her with a puzzled look on their faces. The course title had led them to believe that the subject matter of the course was human sexuality.

The words sex and gender have often been used interchangeably to describe the differences in the behaviors of women and men. One example is the term sex roles, which is sometimes used to refer to culturally prescribed sets of behaviors for men and women. Sex Roles is even the name of a highly respected journal. Yet many psychologists believe that the term gender roles is more appropriate to describe the concept of cultural beliefs applied to individuals on the basis of their socially assigned sex (Wood & Eagly, 2010).

To avoid confusion, we will use the term gender to refer to the meanings that societies and individuals give to female and male categories (Wood & Eagly, 2010). We use the term sex to refer to the classification of individuals as female or male based on their genetic makeup, anatomy, and reproductive functions. Even this definition may be too simple: Recent research on intersex individuals indicates that there are more than two sexes (Russo & Tartaro, 2008). See Chapter 3 for further discussion of that issue.

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WOMEN AND MEN: SIMILAR OR DIFFERENT? Scholars who study sex and gender issues usually take one of two approaches. Either they emphasize the similarities between women and men or they focus on the differences between them.

Similarities Approach Those who adhere to the similarities viewpoint seek to show that men and women are basically alike in their intellectual and social behaviors. Any differences that do occur are small and inconsistent, and produced by socialization, not biology (Blakemore et al., 2009; Eagly et al., 2004). This approach, also called the beta bias, has its origins in the work of early twentieth-century women psychologists. As we shall see later in the chapter, a number of these psychologists carried out research that challenged the prevailing belief that women are different from (and inferior to) men. Most feminist theory and research dealing with gender differences has retained this similarities approach (Bohan, 2002).

Differences Approach The differences viewpoint, also known as the alpha bias, emphasizes the differences between women and men. Historically, these differences have been thought to arise from essential qualities within the individual that are rooted in biology (Charles & Bradley, 2009; England, 2010). This concept is known as essentialism.

The differences perspective has origins in both ancient Western and Eastern philosophies, which associate men with reason and civilization and women with emotion and nature (Hare-Mustin & Marecek, 1990). As we have seen, early psychologists often equated women’s differences from men with inferiority and “otherness.” Men set the standard whereas women were seen as deviations from that standard (Caplan & Caplan, 2009). For example, Sigmund Freud stated that because women do not have a penis, they suffer from penis envy. Using the same logic, one could argue just as persuasively that men experience uterus envy because they cannot bear children. (Karen Horney [1926/1974], a psychoanalyst who challenged many of Freud’s views, made this very proposal.)

Contemporary feminists regard female—male differences as arising from a culture’s expectations of how individuals should behave. In other words, behavioral differences between the genders are not inborn but are socially constructed (Kinser, 2010; Marecek et al., 2004). As we shall see at the end of this chapter, the social construction of gender is one of the three major themes of this book.

Some feminists have added still another twist to the differences approach.

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They embrace cultural feminism, a view that celebrates those positive qualities historically associated with women, such as a sense of human connection and concern for other people (Jordan et al., 2003; Kinser, 2010; Miller, 2008). The theories of Nancy Chodorow (1994) and Carol Gilligan (1982, 1993) illustrate the cultural feminist approach. According to Chodorow, early childhood experiences forever set females and males down different paths in their development of identity, personality, and emotional needs. Girls develop an early attachment to their mother, whom they perceive as similar to themselves. This leads girls to develop relational skills and a desire for close emotional connections. Boys, on the other hand, reject their emotional attachment to their mother, who is perceived as dissimilar. Boys instead identify with male figures who are often more distant. In the process, they become more invested in separation and independence and develop a more abstract and impersonal style (Blakemore et al., 2009). Gilligan (1982, 1994) also sees women’s identity as based on connections and relationships to others. She believes that women reason and make moral judgments in a “different voice,” a voice concerned with caring and responsibility. Men, on the other hand, are more concerned with abstract rights and justice. These different patterns of reasoning are equally valid and sophisticated, according to Gilligan. We shall discuss moral reasoning in females and males in greater detail in Chapter 5.

Regardless of one’s approach to gender comparisons, the study of gender and the psychology of women is rooted in a feminist perspective. Therefore, let’s now examine the meaning of feminism.

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FEMINISM A feminist is

someone who believes in equality in the workforce a person who fights for women’s rights someone who protests about controversial issues, such as abortion or sexual harassment a big, bra-burning, man-hating woman

(College students’ view of feminism, from Houvouras & Carter, 2008, pp. 246–249)

Do any of these definitions reflect your own view of feminism? Although the term feminism is frequently used by the media, in opinion polls, and in casual conversation, people obviously differ in their conceptions of its meaning. There is even diversity among feminists. Although united in their belief that women are disadvantaged relative to men, feminists differ in their beliefs about the sources of this inequality and the ways to enhance women’s status (Hemmings, 2011; Lorber, 2010). Let’s examine five different types of feminism embraced by feminist scholars.

Liberal feminism is the belief that women and men should have the same political, legal, economic, and educational rights and opportunities (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2010; Lorber, 2010). Liberal feminists advocate reform; their goals are to change attitudes and laws that are unfair to women and to equalize educational, employment, and political opportunities. For example, they seek the creation of an educational environment that encourages women’s growth in all academic fields, removal of barriers to full participation and advancement in the workplace, and more political leadership positions for women. Liberal feminists stress the similarities between females and males and contend that gender differences are a function of unequal opportunities.

In contrast, cultural feminism reflects the belief that women and men are different and that women’s special qualities, such as nurturance, concern about others, and cooperativeness, should be valued (Lorber, 2010). Cultural feminists are concerned about destructive outcomes related to masculine traits, such as aggressiveness and lack of emotional expressiveness, and want to empower women by elevating the value attached to their interpersonal orientation.

Another type of feminism, socialist feminism, reflects the attitude that gender inequality is rooted in economic inequality (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2010; Lorber, 2010). Socialist feminists believe that various inequalities based on gender, ethnicity, and social class interact with one another and cannot be eliminated until the capitalistic structure of North American society is changed.

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Radical feminism, on the other hand, is the belief that gender inequality is based on male oppression of women (Kirk & Okazawa-Rey, 2010; Lorber, 2010). Radical feminists contend that patriarchy, male control over and dominance of women, has existed throughout history and must be eliminated to achieve gender equality. In other words, different from socialist feminists, radical feminists see men, rather than capitalism, as the source of women’s oppression. Consequently, they are concerned not only about inequality in societal institutions, such as the workplace, but also about power differential in the family and other types of intimate relationships.

Many women of color have argued that the feminist movement is concerned primarily about issues that confront White women (Hill Collins, 2008; Nix- Stevenson, 2011). Consequently, they often embrace ‘women of color feminism (also known as womanism), which is the belief that both racism, bias against people because of their ethnicity, and classism, bias based on social class, must be recognized as being as important as sexism, gender-based bias (Lorber, 2010).

Clearly, there is no reason why a feminist perspective has to be limited to one viewpoint. Many individuals combine two or more into their personal definition of feminism. Now, perform the exercise in Get Involved 1.1 to more closely examine each of these types of feminism.

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1.

2. 3.

4.

1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PSYCHOLOGY The first women in psychology faced a number of obstacles, especially in establishing their credentials, because many universities in the late 1800s and early 1900s did not welcome women who sought advanced degrees (Johnson, 2009; Milar, 2000). Judith’s experience described at the beginning of this chapter indicates that overt sexist policies toward women in psychology continued well into the twentieth century. Nevertheless, several women overcame the odds to become pioneers in the field (Kimmel & Crawford, 2001). Margaret Floy Washburn was the first woman to receive a Ph.D. in psychology in America in 1894. It took another 40 years before doctorates in psychology were awarded to Black women: Inez Beverly Prosser and Ruth Winifred Howard (“February Is Black History Month,” 2004).

GET INVOLVED 1.1 How Do People View Feminism?

Answer the following questions and then ask several female and male acquaintances to do the same. Save your own answers but do not refer back to them after completing this chapter.

First, indicate which of the following categories best characterizes your identity as a feminist: I

consider myself a feminist and am currently involved in the Women’s Movement consider myself a feminist but am not involved in the Women’s Movement do not consider myself a feminist but agree with at least some of the objectives of feminism do not consider myself a feminist and disagree with the objectives of feminism.

Second, on a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 6 (strongly agree), indicate the extent to which you disagree or agree with each of the following statements.

Women should be considered as seriously as men as candidates for the presidency of the United States. Although women can be good leaders, men make better leaders. A woman should have the same job opportunities as a man. Men should respect women more than they currently do. Many women in the workforce are taking jobs away from men who need the jobs more than women.

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6. 7.

8.

9. 10.

1.

2.

3.

Doctors need to take women’s health concerns more seriously. Women have been treated unfairly on the basis of their gender throughout most of human history. Women are already given equal opportunities with men in all important sectors of their lives. Women in the United States are treated as second-class citizens. Women can best overcome discrimination by doing the best they can at their jobs, not by wasting time with political activity.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Before computing your scores for the 10 items, reverse the points for statements 2, 5, 8, and 10. That is, for a rating of 1 (strongly disagree), give 6 points, for a rating of 2, give 5 points, and so on. Then sum the points for all 10 items. Higher scores reflect greater agreement with feminist beliefs.

Are there differences in the feminist labels and/or feminist attitude scores between your female and male respondents? For each respondent, including yourself, compare the feminist attitude score to the selected feminist category. Did you find that individuals who gave themselves a feminist label (i.e., placed themselves in category 1 or 2) generally agreed with the feminist statements and obtained a score of 40 or higher? Similarly, did the individuals who did not label themselves as feminists (e.g., category 3 or 4) tend to disagree with the feminist statements and receive a score below 40? If there was no correspondence between the feminist identity label and the feminist beliefs, give possible reasons. Do you think that individuals who vary in ethnicity and social class might hold different attitudes about feminism? If yes, explain.

Source: “Putting the feminism into feminism scales: Introduction of a liberal feminist attitude and ideology,” Sex Roles, 34, pp. 359–390, ©1996.

Women and the American Psychological Association One year after the founding of the American Psychological Association (APA), in 1893, 2 of the 14 new members admitted were women: Mary Whiton Calkins and Christine Ladd-Franklin (Hogan & Sexton, 1991). Calkins went on to become the first woman president of the APA in 1905. Margaret Floy Washburn was elected the second woman president in 1921 (Scarborough, 2010). It would be 51 years before the APA had another female leader.

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Twelve women have been elected president of the American Psychological Association. In chronological order, they are Mary Whiton Calkins, Margaret Floy Washburn, Anne Anastasi, Leona Tyler, Florence Denmark, Janet Spence, Bonnie Strickland, Dorothy Cantor, Norine Johnson, Diane Halpern, Sharon Stephens Brehm, and 2011 president, Melba Vasquez (shown here).

Since the early 1970s, the number of women in APA leadership roles has increased notably and 12 women have become president (Azar, 2011 ; Brehm, 2007). In 2005, women represented 53 percent of the APA members, 49 percent of the council of representatives, and 38 percent of the board of directors, although only 26 percent of APA fellows, the most prestigious membership category. More than one-third of the reviewers and nearly half of the associate editors of APA journals (but only 28 percent of the editors) are women (American Psychological Association, 2006).

Women’s Contributions Women have been relatively invisible in psychology; their contributions to the field have often been overlooked or ignored (Scarborough, 2005). Coverage of gender- related topics has also been limited. However, the situation has been improving. Florence Denmark (1994) examined undergraduate psychology textbooks from 1982 and 1993 for the inclusion of women’s contributions and of gender-related topics. The books printed in the 1990s showed progress in both areas. Claire and her students (Etaugh et al., 1995) similarly found that coverage of gender-related topics in introductory psychology textbooks increased by nearly 40 percent

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between the early 1970s and the early 1990s. Even when the works of women psychologists are cited, they may still be

overlooked. There are two related reasons for this apparent invisibility of many women psychologists. First, the longstanding practice in psychology books and journal articles is to refer to authors by their last name and first initials only. (Ironically, even if this practice were to change, some women authors still might choose to use their initials in order to avoid possible gender-biased devaluation of their scholarly work [Walsh-Bowers, 1999].) Second, in the absence of gender- identifying information, people tend to assume that the important contributions included in psychology books and articles have been carried out by men. When Claire learned about the Ladd-Frankhn theory of color vision in introductory psychology, she assumed that two men named Ladd and Franklin had developed the theory. Only later did she discover that it was the work of Christine Ladd-Frankhn. Similarly, most people assume that it was Harry Harlow who established the importance of touch in the development of attachment. How many individuals know that his wife, psychologist Margaret Kuenne Harlow, was his research partner and a codeveloper of their groundbreaking theory? In order to make the contributions of women psychologists more visible in this book, we frequently use first names when identifying important researchers and theorists.

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HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN

Ignorance about women pervades academic disciplines in higher education, where the requirements for the degree seldom include thoughtful inquiry into the status of women as part of the human condition.

(Carolyn Sherif, cited in Denmark et al., 2000, p. 1)

How has the psychology of women developed as a field since Carolyn Sherif wrote this sentence about 30 years ago? Let us turn to a brief history of the feminist approach to the study of gender.

The Early Years Rachel Hare-Mustin and Jeanne Marecek (1990) call the early years of psychology “womanless” psychology. Not only were there few women psychologists, but also women’s experiences were not deemed important enough to study. Concepts in psychology were based on the male experience. For example, as we shall see in Chapter 3, Sigmund Freud formulated his views of the Oedipus complex and penis envy from a male perspective but applied them to both genders. The same is true of Erik Erikson’s notion of the development of identity during adolescence, as we shall see in Chapter 6.

In addition, early psychologists viewed women as different from and inferior to men (Denmark et al., 2008). For example, to explain their premise that women are less intelligent than men and thus unfit for higher education, male psychologists claimed that women’s brains were smaller than men’s (Bern, 2008; Caplan & Caplan, 2009; Fine, 2010). This theory seemed to be discredited by the discovery that relative brain size—the weight of the brain relative to the weight of the body— is actually greater in women than in men. But stereotypes are not that easily erased. Scientists began comparing various segments of the brain in the two genders in an attempt to find the cause of women’s purported inferior intelligence. No differences were found (Fine, 2010). Yet the search continued. In 1982, the prestigious journal Science published a study claiming that the corpus callosum (the connection between the two hemispheres of the brain) is larger in women than in men. The researchers stated that this difference might account for women’s supposedly inferior spatial skills. (See Chapter 5 for a detailed discussion of this topic.) The study had many flaws, including the fact that only nine males’ brains and five females’ brains had been examined. Ruth Bleier, a neuroanatomist, and her colleagues did a study that corrected the flaws and used a much larger sample. They found no gender differences. Yet Science refused to publish their findings on the grounds that they were too “political” (Caplan & Caplan, 2009).

The first generation of women psychologists carried out research that

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challenged assumptions of female inferiority (Rutherford et al., 2010). Helen Thompson Woolley found little difference in the intellectual abilities of women and men. Leta Stetter Hollingworth tackled the prevailing notion that women’s menstrual cycles were debilitating, rendering women unfit to hold positions of responsibility. She demonstrated that intellectual and sensory-motor skills did not systematically vary across the menstrual cycle (Denmark et al., 2008). Many of these ideas lay dormant, however, because few women were able to obtain academic positions where they could study and teach about these topics (Unger, 2010).

The Recent Years A number of events in the 1960s signaled the beginning of the second wave of the feminist movement in the United States, including the publication of Betty Friedan’s (1963) book The Feminine Mystique, the passage of the Equal Pay Act (see Chapters 10 and 15), and the formation of the National Organization for Women (NOW). In each case, the spotlight turned on glaring economic, social, and political inequities between women and men.

During these years, the psychology of women emerged as a separate field of study. In 1969, the Association for Women in Psychology was founded, followed in 1973 by the APA Division (now Society) of the Psychology of Women. Several textbooks on the psychology of women were written, journals such as Psychology of Women Quarterly and Sex Roles were established, and college courses on the topic began to appear. Feminist theorists and researchers demonstrated the sexist bias of much psychology theory, research, and practice. They set about expanding knowledge about women and correcting erroneous misinformation from the past (Basow, 2010a; Rutherford & Yoder, 2011). Today, women make up nearly half of the psychologists in the workforce. This percentage is very likely to increase because almost three out of four doctoral degrees in psychology are now awarded to women (“The Nation,” 2010).

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STUDYING THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN With a basic understanding of the history of the psychology of women, we now turn to an examination of issues involved in performing psychological research. As you probably learned in introductory psychology, our understanding of human behavior stems from research conducted by psychologists and other scientists who use the scientific method to answer research questions. Although you might have learned that this method is value free, that it is not shaped by researchers’ personal values, feminist scholars (Sechzer & Rabinowitz, 2008) argue that values can influence every step of the research process. Let’s turn now to a brief discussion of these steps to see how researchers’ own ideas about human behavior can influence our understanding of the psychology of women.

Bias in Psychological Research SELECTING THE RESEARCH TOPIC. The first step in any scientific investigation is selecting the topic to examine. Just as your personal preferences lead you to choose one term paper topic over another, scientists’ personal interests influence the topics they decide to investigate. Throughout the history of psychology, most psychologists have been males; thus, for many years, topics related to girls and women were rarely investigated (Sechzer & Rabinowitz, 2008). Since 1970, however, the increasing number of female psychologists and the growth of the psychology of women as a discipline have resulted in an explosion of research devoted to the psychology of woman and/or gender (Lips, 2010). For example, an estimated 50–70 new scientific publications on sex differences appear each week (Ellis et al., 2008).

Another influence on topic selection is the researcher’s assumptions about gender characteristics. For example, a psychologist who believes leadership is primarily a male trait is not likely to investigate the leadership styles of women. To give another example, aggressive behavior is typically associated with males. Consequently, relatively little is known about the relationship between aggressive behavior in girls and their adjustment in adulthood (Fontaine et al., 2008). Bias in topic selection is even more evident when one focuses on women of color. Not only are there relatively few psychologists of color but researchers, influenced by the biased assumption that people of color are deviant, deficient, and helpless, have examined ethnic minority women in relation to only a narrow range of topics, such as poverty and teen pregnancy (Tucker & Herman, 2002; Reid, 1999). The tendency to treat women of color as helpless deviates reinforces a negative image of ethnic minority females and denies their full personhood as women with a wide breadth of concerns and experiences.

FORMULATING THE HYPOTHESIS. Once the topic is selected, the

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researcher generally formulates a hypothesis (a prediction) based on a particular theoretical perspective. Consequently, the researcher’s orientation toward one theory or another has a major influence on the direction of the research. To better understand this effect, consider the link between two theories of rape and related research hypotheses. One theory proposes that rape has evolved through natural selection, which leads to the hypothesis that rape is present in nonhuman animals (Thornhill & Palmer, 2000). A very different theory contends that rape stems from a power imbalance between women and men. One hypothesis stemming from this theory is that regions of the country with more gender inequality of power should have higher rates of rape than regions with less power imbalance (Ullman & Najdowski, 2011). As we see in the next section, these different hypotheses lead to very different kinds of research on rape.

Theoretical perspectives about ethnicity can similarly influence the hypotheses and direction of research. As Pamela Trotman Reid and Elizabeth Kelly (1994) noted, many studies on women of color are designed to “illuminate deficits and deviance from White norms” (p. 483). Rather than examining strengths of women of color, this deviance perspective leads to research that focuses on ethnic minority women as powerless victims.

DESIGNING THE STUDY. Because the methods used to gather data stem from the underlying predictions, hypotheses based on disparate theories lead to different procedures. This, in turn, affects the type of knowledge researchers gain about the topic under investigation. Returning to our rape example, the hypothesis that rape is not unique to humans has led to investigations of forced copulation in nonhuman species (McKibben et al., 2008), which would not be appropriate to the investigation of a power hypothesis. The prediction that rape is linked to the degree of gender inequality in society has led to studies of the relationship between a city’s rape rate and its occupational and educational gender inequality (Whaley, 2001). Each of these procedures provides very different kinds of information about rape that can lay the foundation for different attitudes about this form of violence (see Chapter 14). Examining specific aspects of research design will show us the ways bias can also affect the choice of procedures.

SELECTING RESEARCH PARTICIPANTS. One of the consistent problems in psychological research has been the use of samples that do not adequately represent the general population. A sample refers to the individuals who are investigated in order to reach conclusions about the entire group of interest to the researcher (i.e., the population). For example, a researcher might be interested in understanding the emotional experiences of first-time mothers in the first months following childbirth. It would be impossible, however, to assess the experiences of all new mothers (population). Instead, the investigator might seek 100 volunteers

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from among mothers who gave birth in any one of three hospitals in a specific geographical area (sample).

Unfortunately, research participants are not always representative of the larger population. Throughout most of the history of psychology, psychologists have focused primarily on young, White, middle-class, heterosexual, able-bodied males (Russo & Landrine, 2010; Unger, 2010). This procedure can lead to unfortunate and incorrect generalizations about excluded groups. It would be inappropriate, for example, to draw conclusions about women’s leadership styles by examining male managers. Furthermore, focusing on selected groups can lead to the disregard of excluded groups.

A related issue is whether and how researchers specify the gender composition of their samples. One problem is that a sizable minority of authors do not report this information. For example, between 30 percent and 40 percent of studies published in 1990 in a large variety of major psychology journals failed to mention the gender makeup of their participants (Ader & Johnson, 1994; Zalk, 1991). Therefore, the reader does not know whether the findings are applicable to both genders. Interestingly, the failure to report gender in the title of the article or to provide a rationale for sampling only one gender was more common in studies with male-only participants than in studies with female-only participants. Furthermore, discussions based on male participants were more likely to be written in general terms, whereas those based on only female participants were likely to be restricted to conclusions about females. These practices suggest that males are considered normative, and results obtained from them generally applicable, whereas females are somehow “different.” That is, it appears that males are considered the standard against which all behavior is measured.

Although there has been improvement in the gender balance of participants in psychological research, samples have been limited in other ways. One problem is the relative invisibility of people of color (Huang & Coker, 2010; Hurtado, 2010). Even psychologists critical of the male bias in traditional psychology have erred by using primarily samples of Whites (Hall, 2003). For example, between 1989 and 1991, only about 10 percent of the articles published in journals that focus on women and gender roles examined the ethnicity of the participants (Reid & Kelly, 1994). A positive development is that these journals now require a description of the ethnicity of the sample even if it is restricted to White participants. Note, however, that specifying the ethnic composition of the sample does not mean that the researcher actually examined the relationship between the participant’s ethnicity and the behavior under investigation. On a positive note, the growing recognition of the need to integrate findings related to ethnic, class, and cultural differences into mainstream theory, practice, and research has led in the past 25 years to an explosion of research on and by ethnic women psychologists, including Jean Lau Chin, Fanny Cheung, Lillian Comas-Diaz, Oliva Espín, Cynthia de las Fuentes,

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Beverly Greene, Aída Hurtado, Gwendolyn Puryear Keita, Teresa LaFromboise, Carolyn Payton, Pamela Trotman Reid, Janis Sanchez-Hucles, and Melba Vasquez (pictured earlier) (Hurtado, 2010; “Revisiting Our Roots,” 2010).

Samples have been restricted, additionally, in their socioeconomic status: Most participants have been middle class, and poor women, until recently, have been nearly invisible (Henderson & Tickamyer, 2009; Lott, 2010; Reid, 2011). As a result, problems that have a much greater impact on poor women than on middle- class women are rarely studied. For example, very little is known about the sexual harassment of low-income women by their landlords, even though this is unfortunately a common occurrence (Bullock et al., 2010; Perry-Jenkins & Claxton, 2009). In addition, most studies of employed women have focused on those in professional jobs. Moreover, when researchers do study poor and working-class individuals, they tend to focus on people of color, perpetuating a biased assumption about ethnicity and social class as well as limiting our understanding of both poor White women and middle-class women of color (Henderson & Tickamyer, 2009; Reid 1999).

Pick up any psychology journal and you will see that many of the middle-class individuals who serve as research participants are college students. Because this group is restricted in age, education, and life experiences compared to the general population, numerous findings based on these samples cannot be generalized to other types of people.

Other groups, such as lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals and people with disabilities, are underrepresented in psychological research, and less research has focused on older women than on younger women or girls (Garnets, 2008; Gergen, 2008; Olkin, 2008; Quinlan et al., 2008). What can explain researchers’ narrow focus on White, middle-class, heterosexual, able-bodied, young individuals? One possibility is that psychologists are more interested in understanding the experiences of people like themselves, and the majority of investigators fit the characteristics of the typical participants. Another possibility is that psychologists might use these individuals in their research because it is easier to recruit them. These are the people most likely to be located within the situational contexts—such as academic or professional environments—inhabited by researchers (Quinlan et al., 2008). Also, due to cross-group mistrust and/or misunderstanding, it is sometimes more difficult for nonminority investigators to recruit minority individuals (Huang & Coker, 2010). Whatever the causes, the exclusion of certain groups of people from psychological examination not only devalues their experiences but can also lead to inaccurate conclusions about them based on faulty generalizations. To get firsthand knowledge about the extent of biased samples in recent psychological research, complete the exercise in Get Involved 1.2.

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1.

2.

3.

4.

1.

2.

3. 4.

5.

GET INVOLVED 1.2 Are Samples in Psychological Research Biased?

In this exercise you are to compare descriptions of samples published in journals oriented toward women or gender to mainstream psychological journals. At your campus library, select one recent issue of Psychology of Women Quarterly or Sex Roles. Also select a recent issue of one of the following: Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Developmental Psychology, or Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology. For each article in these issues, read the brief section that describes the participants. This is found in the Method section of the article and is usually labeled Participants, Sample, or Subjects. As you read these sections, note the following information:

Is the gender of the participants specified? If yes, does the sample include females only, males only, or both? Is the ethnicity of the participants specified? If yes, does the sample include predominantly or exclusively Whites, predominantly or exclusively individuals of another single ethnic group, or a balanced mixture of individuals from two or more ethnic groups? Is the social class of the participants specified? If yes, is the sample predominantly or exclusively middle class, predominantly or exclusively working class or poor, or a mixture of social classes? Are any other characteristics of the participants (e.g., sexual orientation, presence of a disability) given? If yes, specify.

After recording the information for each article from one journal, add up the number of articles that specified the gender of the sample, the number that specified ethnicity, and so on. Similarly, sum the articles that included both genders, those that included more than one ethnic group, and so forth. Follow the same procedure for the other journal.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Which participant characteristic was described most frequently? Explain why. Which participant characteristic was represented in the most balanced way? Explain why. Which participant characteristic was specified least often? Explain why. Did the two journals differ in their descriptions of their samples? If yes, explain. What are the implications of your findings?

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Source: Morgan (1996).

SELECTING THE MEASURES. Another step in the design of a study is the selection of procedures to measure the behaviors or characteristics under investigation. These procedures can determine the results that researchers find. For example, in their review of aggression in girls and boys, Jamie Ostrov and Stephanie Godleski (2010) note that different findings are obtained depending on how aggressive behavior is measured. Boys are more likely than girls to show physical aggression (e.g., pushing, hitting) whereas girls are more apt to show relational aggression (e.g., spreading malicious gossip). As you can see, relying on only one of these measures would have led to misleading conclusions.

ANALYZING AND INTERPRETING THE FINDINGS. Once the data have been collected, the researcher performs statistical analyses to discover whether the findings support the hypotheses. Although there are numerous types of statistical tests, they all provide information about the statistical significance of the results, which means that the findings are not due to chance alone. For example, in a study of college students’ belief in rape myths (Girard & Senn, 2008), respondents rated the degree to which they agreed with 20 false statements often used to justify rape, such as “many women secretly desire to be raped.” The rating scale for each item ranged from 1 (not agree) to 7 (strongly agree). Females had an average rating of 32.6 and males had a rating of 42.0. These numbers have no meaning in themselves. However, a statistical analysis applied to these data indicated that the difference of 9.4 between the male and female averages was not due to chance alone; males, more than females, believed in rape myths.

Once statistical tests have been applied to the data, the researcher must interpret the findings. Statistical analyses inform us only about the likelihood that the data could have been produced by chance alone. Now, the researchers must discuss explanations and implications of the findings. One type of bias occurring at this stage is interpreting the findings in a way that suggests a female weakness or inferiority. For example, studies have shown that females use more tentative speech than males do (see Chapter 5). They are more likely than men to say, “I sort of think she would be a good governor” or “She seems to be a strong candidate.” Some researchers (e.g., Lakoff, 1990) have suggested this is an indication of females’ lack of confidence—an interpretation pointing to a female deficit. Another equally plausible and more positive interpretation is that females use more tentative speech as a means of encouraging other people to express their opinions (DeFrancisco & Palczewski, 2007). Susan Fiske, past president of the Association for Psychological Sciences, offers another example of how a trait can be labeled to

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suggest female inferiority. She cites the “field independence—field dependence” continuum. Men have been described as “field independent” (not being influenced by a surrounding context), considered a favorable attribute, whereas “field dependence” was a deficit that women had (Fiske, 2010b). What about being labeled field sensitive, clearly a more positive term, she asks?

A second problem related to the interpretation of findings is generalizing results based on one group to other groups. As discussed earlier in this chapter, psychologists frequently examine narrowly defined samples, such as White, male, middle-class college students, and sometimes they generalize their findings to other people, including females, people of color, and working-class individuals. Linda Gannon and her associates (1992) examined evidence of generalization from one gender to the other found in several major psychology journals published from 1970 to 1990. Although there was improvement since the 1970s, when inappropriate gender generalizations occurred in 19 percent to 76 percent of the articles, these researchers found that even in 1990, percentages ranged from 13 percent to 41 percent.

A third bias in the interpretation of data has been the assumption that the presence of gender differences implies biological causes (Caplan & Caplan, 2009; Fine, 2010). For example, some researchers have assumed that the preponderance of men in the sciences is due to their higher levels of fetal testosterone, despite a lack of consistent supporting data (Fine, 2010; Valla & Ceci, 2011).

COMMUNICATING THE FINDINGS

Publishing. The primary way that psychologists communicate their research findings to others is by publishing their studies, usually in psychological journals. Unfortunately, editors and reviewers who make decisions about which studies are worthy of publication tend to favor those that report statistical significance over those that do not. This publication bias can affect the body of our knowledge about gender. Studies that show a statistically significant gender difference are more likely to be published than those that do not and can lead to exaggerated conclusions about the differences between females and males (Caplan & Caplan, 2009).

Another type of publication bias exists as well. Victoria Brescoll and Marianne LaFrance (2004) found that politically conservative newspapers were more likely than liberal newspapers to use biological explanations for gender differences. Moreover, readers tended to believe whatever bias was represented in these news stories. Let the reader beware!

Gender-Biased Language. The language that researchers use in their research papers is another possible source of gender bias in the communication of findings. Gender-biased language, such as the use of the male pronoun to refer to

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both genders, can lead to serious misinterpretation. As is discussed in Chapter 2, male pronouns tend to be interpreted as males only, not as males and females (DeFrancisco & Palczewski, 2007). Fortunately, although this practice was prevalent in the 1970s and 1980s, the Publication Manual of the American Psychological Association (American Psychological Association, 2010) now specifies that gender-biased language must be avoided. Research is now more likely to be reported using nonsexist language (Sechzer & Rabinowitz, 2008).

Another, more subtle type of biased language is the use of nonparallel terms when writing about comparable female and male behaviors, thus implying an essential difference between the genders. For example, much of the research on gender and employment refers to women who work outside the home as “employed mothers” but refers to men who work outside the home as simply “employed” (Gilbert, 1994). This distinction carries the implicit assumption that the primary role for women is motherhood whereas the primary role for men is the provider.

Conclusion. Although it is unlikely that most researchers attempt to influence the research process in order to support their preconceived ideas about a topic, the biases they bring to the research endeavor can affect their choice of topic, hypotheses, research design, interpretation of findings, and communication about the study. Given that researchers have very human personal interests, values, and theoretical perspectives, they do not fit the image of the objective scientist (Caplan & Caplan, 2009).

Despite these inherent biases, we do not want to give the impression that psychological research is unduly value laden or that it provides no useful information about the psychology of women. Most researchers make a concerted attempt to be as unbiased as possible, and research from psychology and other social scientific disciplines has provided a rich body of knowledge about females’ experiences. However, one must read these studies critically, with an understanding of their possible limitations—especially their failure to focus on the diversity of girls and women. For a look at doing gender research around the world, see Explore Other Cultures 1.1.

Feminist Research Methods Traditional psychological research emphasizes objectivity, control, and quantitative measures as a means of understanding human behavior, and some feminist psychologists advocate adherence to this general methodology. Others, however, contend that more accurate representations of women’s lives are achieved with qualitative procedures, such as women’s accounts of their experiences (Crabtree et al., 2009; Gergen, 2010; Hesse-Biber et al., 2010; Lykes et al., 2010; Unger, 2011). For example, a qualitative investigation of women’s friendships might ask

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participants to describe, in their own words, the most important friendships they have had. In contrast, an objective measure might ask them to complete a questionnaire written by the researcher in which participants indicate how often they have experienced a variety of feelings and interactions in their most important friendships. Whereas the qualitative approach attempts to capture each participant’s unique perspective, the quantitative approach compares participants’ responses to a standard situation. For a more detailed examination of principles of feminist research, look at Learn About the Research 1.1.

EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 1.1 Doing Cross-Cultural Research on Gender

Cross-cultural research has made important contributions to our understanding of gender development (Best & Thomas, 2004). Nevertheless, there are methodological pitfalls that need to be avoided in order to draw meaningful conclusions from such research. Judith Gibbons (2000) gives an example of how similar findings may have different meanings depending upon the culture being studied. She and her colleagues studied adolescents’ drawings of the ideal woman. In a variety of cultures, many adolescents drew the ideal woman as working in an office. However, when the drawings were then presented to peers in the same culture for interpretation, adolescents gave responses that were both similar across cultures, but also culturally specific. For instance, in all countries studied, women working in offices were described as hardworking. However, Guatemalan adolescents also viewed them as working for the betterment of their families, Filipino teenagers described them as adventurous and sexy, and U.S. teens saw them as bored with the routine of office work.

Another formidable methodological challenge in cross-cultural research is the issue of sampling. In studying gender issues, samples are often drawn from a certain setting, such as colleges and universities, as a way to ensure equivalent samples. But college or university students do not reflect the population similarly in different countries because the proportion of the population attending university differs widely internationally.

Sources: Best and Thomas (2004); Gibbons (2000).

Drawing Conclusions From Multiple Studies Researchers use one of two procedures to draw conclusions about gender

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1. a. b. c.

2.

differences on the basis of large numbers of published studies. This section examines these two techniques.

NARRATIVE APPROACH. The traditional way of examining psychological gender differences has been to sift through dozens or even hundreds of studies on a particular topic and to form an impression of the general trends in their results. The first major attempt to synthesize the research on gender differences in this narrative fashion was carried out by Eleanor Maccoby and Carol Nagy Jacklin in 1974. In this massive undertaking, they tallied the results of over 1,600 published and unpublished studies appearing in the 10 years prior to 1974. Gender differences were declared to exist when a large number of studies on a given topic found differences in the same direction. Although the contribution of this pioneering work is enormous, a major drawback is its use of a simple “voting” or “box-score” method, which gave each study the same weight regardless of sample size or magnitude of the reported difference (Eagly et al., 1995). In addition, the possibility of subtle biases is always present in any narrative review.

META-ANALYSIS. A more sophisticated and objective technique of summarizing data has been developed in recent years. Meta-analysis is a statistical method of integrating the results of several studies on the same topic. It provides a measure of the magnitude, or size, of a given gender difference rather than simply counting the number of studies finding a difference (Cumming, 2011).

LEARN ABOUT THE RESEARCH 1.1 Principles of Feminist Research

Although feminists have a variety of opinions about the most effective methods for studying girls and women, they agree that such research should increase our understanding of females and help change the world for them (Lykes et al., 2010; Sechzer & Rabinowitz, 2008). Thus, feminists, like all researchers, bring a set of values to the research process, values that can direct the nature and interpretation of the research. Claire and her colleague Judith Worell (Worell & Etaugh, 1994) have articulated a set of principles that are based on the values of feminist research. These are summarized as follows:

Challenging the traditional scientific method. Correcting bias in the research process. Expanding samples beyond White, middle-class participants. Acknowledging the legitimacy of both quantitative and qualitative methods.

Focusing on the experiences of women.

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a. b. c.

3. a.

b. 4.

a.

5. a. a.

6. a. b.

1.

2.

Examining diverse categories of women. Investigating topics relevant to women’s lives. Attending to women’s strengths as well as their concerns.

Considering gender imbalances in power. Recognizing that women’s subordinate status is a sign of power imbalance, not deficiency. Attempting to empower women.

Recognizing gender as an important category for investigation. Understanding that a person’s gender can influence expectations about and responses to that person.

Recognizing the importance of language. Changing language to be inclusive of women. Understanding that language can both influence thought and be influenced by thought.

Promoting social change. Creating a science that benefits women. Guiding action that will lead to justice for women.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Assume you are a feminist researcher interested in examining how women handle employment and family obligations. Using the feminist principles outlined earlier, describe the characteristics of the sample you might wish to study and the research methods you would use in collecting your data. A hypothetical study of the educational expectations of White, Mexican American, and Vietnamese American eighth-grade girls found that the White girls expect to complete more years of schooling than the other groups. The researcher concluded that Latina and Asian American girls have lower educational expectations than White girls. Critique this conclusion, using feminist research principles.

Source: Based on Worell and Etaugh (1994).

Gender researchers using meta-analysis first locate all studies on the topic of interest. Then they do a statistical analysis of each study that measures the size of the difference between the average of the men’s scores and the average of the women’s scores. This difference is divided by the standard deviation of the two sets of scores. The standard deviation measures the variability or range of the scores. For example, scores ranging from 1 to 100 have high variability, whereas scores ranging from 50 to 53 show low variability. Dividing the difference between

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men’s and women’s scores by the standard deviation produces a d statistic. Finally, the researchers calculate the average of the d statistics from all the studies they located. The resulting d is called the effect size. It indicates not only whether females or males score higher but also how large the difference is. This is one of the major advantages of meta-analysis over the traditional narrative method of summarizing research (Cumming, 2011).

The value of d is large when the difference between means is large and the variability within each group is small. It is small when the difference between means is small and the variability within each group is large (Cumming, 2011). Generally a d of 0.20 is considered small, 0.50 is moderate, and 0.80 is large. However, these guidelines still do not settle the debate of whether a particular difference is meaningful or important. In cancer research, for example, even a very small effect size can have powerful consequences. Suppose a treatment was discovered that completely cured a small number of women with a highly lethal form of cancer. Although the effect size might be quite small, this discovery would be hailed as a major medical breakthrough. As we discuss later in the book, the effect sizes for some psychological gender differences are greater than those found in most psychological research whereas others are close to zero.

Now that we have explored the historical and methodological framework for understanding the psychology of women, we focus on the major themes that characterize this book.

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THEMES IN THE TEXT Science is not value free. As we have seen, the evolving belief about the importance of women has had a powerful impact on topics and methods of psychological research. Similarly, this text is not value neutral. It is firmly rooted in a feminist belief system, which contends (1) that the diversity of women’s identities and experiences should be recognized and celebrated; (2) that men hold more power than women; and (3) that gender is shaped by social, cultural, and societal influences. These beliefs are shared by many feminist psychologists and are reflected throughout this book.

Theme 1: Intersectionality: The Diversity of Women’s Identities and Experiences As we saw in the discussion of research biases, minimal attention given to females throughout most of the history of psychology not only devalues women’s experiences but also often leads to incorrectly generalizing men’s experiences to include women. Similarly, a psychology of women restricted to White, middle- class, heterosexual, able-bodied, young females in North America minimizes the importance of women of color; poor and working-class women; lesbian, bisexual, and transgender women; women with disabilities; older women; and women in other cultures, and it can lead to the false conclusion that the experiences of the majority are applicable to all (Kimmel, 2011).

Consequently, this text examines the heterogeneity of females’ experiences. We do so within a lens of intersectionality, which means that people exist in a framework of multiple identities that interact with each other to determine an individual’s experiences and that cannot be understood separately from each other because they are integral parts of a whole (Hurtado, 2010; Kinser, 2010; Meem et al., 2010). These identities include one’s gender, ethnicity, class, sexual orientation, age, ableness, marital status, and nationality (Cole, 2009; Dill & Zambrana, 2009b; Ferree, 2010; Spade & Valentine, 2011). Intersectionality implies that to understand a woman’s identity, you do not simply add one feature to another, as in woman + Black + heterosexual + middle-aged, but rather multiply them (Enns & Byars-Winston, 2010). As an example, compare two women born in New York City some years ago. One is Claire Etaugh, who is a White, college- educated, heterosexual, able-bodied psychology professor. The other is Audre Lorde, who was a Black, college-educated, lesbian, less able-bodied, renowned feminist writer and poet. To label both of us as educated, female New Yorkers is true, but ignores our very different life experiences shaped by the several intersecting identities that we did not share. In this text, the authors discuss both similarities and differences in the attitudes, emotions, relationships, goals, and

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behaviors of girls and women who have a diversity of backgrounds. For example, we explore interpersonal relationships of heterosexual and lesbian women (Chapter 8); physical and mental health concerns of White women and women of color (Chapters 12 and 13); problems on campus and in the workplace faced by women with disabilities (Chapters 9 and 10); and health, employment, and interpersonal issues of olderwomen (Chapters 8, 10, and 12). However, because most of the research to date on the psychology of women has been based on restricted samples, it is important to note that our presentation includes a disproportionate amount of information about young, middle-class, heterosexual, able-bodied, White women and girls living in the United States.

When referring to cultural variations among people, we use the term ethnicity rather than race. Race is a biological concept that refers to physical characteristics of people (Lott, 2010). However, experts disagree about what constitutes a single race, and there is considerable genetic variation among people designated as a single race. Ethnicity, on the other hand, refers to variations in cultural background, nationality, history, religion, and/or language (Lott, 2010), a term more closely associated with the variations in attitudes, behaviors, and roles that we discuss in this book.

Unfortunately, there are no universally acceptable labels that identify a person’s ethnicity. Some terms are based on geographical origin as in African American and Euro-American whereas others are based on color, such as Black and White. Furthermore, each major ethnic category encompasses a diversity of ethnic subtypes. For example, Americans with Asian ancestry, regardless of their specific origin (e.g., China, Japan, Korea, Vietnam), are generally grouped into a single category of Asian Americans. Similarly, Whites from countries as diverse as Ireland, Germany, and Russia are combined into one ethnic group. Along the same lines, the label Latinalo refers to individuals from Mexico, Cuba, and Puerto Rico, and others of Hispanic origin (Burton et al., 2010; Zinn & Wells, 2008). With the hope that our usage does not inadvertently offend anyone, ethnic group labels used in this book are Asian American, Black, Latina/o, Native American, and White, recognizing that each of these broad ethnic categories actually encompasses a diversity of cultures.

Theme 2: Gender Differences in Power

In no known societies do women dominate men. … Men, on average, enjoy more power than women, on average, and this appears to have been true throughout human history.

(Pratto & Walker, 2004, p. 242)

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Two interlocking ideas characterize our power theme. One is that the experiences of women in virtually all cultures are shaped by both organizational power, the ability to use valuable resources to dominate and control others, and interpersonal power, the ability to influence one’s partner within a specific relationship. The greater organizational power of males compared to that of females is evident in our discussion of numerous topics, including gender differences in salary (Chapter 10), the underrepresentation of women in high-status occupations (Chapter 10), and sexual harassment (Chapter 14). Additionally, gender differences in interpersonal power are clearly reflected in our discussions of interpersonal violence (Chapter 14), rape (Chapter 14), and the allocation of household responsibilities (Chapter 11).

Both of these power differentials reflect an undesirable imbalance in a form of power, called power-over, a person’s or group’s control of another person or group. This type of power is distinguished from power-to, the empowerment of self and others to accomplish tasks (Chrisler, 2008c). Whereas the former is a negative type of power that restricts opportunities and choices of members of the less powerful group, the latter allows for personal growth for all. Thus, feminist psychologists want to eliminate the former and increase the latter (Denmark & Klara, 2007).

WHAT YOU CAN DO 1.1 Help Empower Girls and Women

One theme of this book is that men hold more power than women. Many national organizations that work to empower girls and women have local chapters, such as the NOW, the Girl Scouts, the YWCA (Young Women’s Christian Association), and the American Association of University Women. Volunteer for one of these organizations in your community.

A second component of our theme of power differences is that many women experience more than one type of power imbalance. In addition to a gender difference in power, women can experience power inequities as a function of their ethnicity, social class, sexual preference, age, and physical ability (Burn, 2011; Lott, 2010). Furthermore, the effects of these imbalances are cumulative. For example, women of color experience greater discrimination in the workplace than do White women (Chapter 10). As bell hooks (1990) stated, “By calling attention to interlocking systems of domination—sex, race, and class—Black women and many other groups of women acknowledge the diversity and complexity of female experience, of our relationship to power and domination” (p. 187).

One consequence of gender differences in power is that women and women’s

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issues receive less emphasis and visibility than men and men’s issues. In this chapter, for example, we saw that women’s contributions to psychology have often been overlooked. We examine other instances of this problem in our discussion of specific topics, such as the underrepresentation of females in the media (Chapter 2) and the exclusion of women from major studies of medical and health issues (Chapter 12). See What You Can Do 1.1 for ways you can help empower girls and women.

Theme 3: Social Construction of Gender As indicated at the beginning of this chapter, social scientists differentiate between sex, the biological aspects of femaleness and maleness, and gender, the nonbiological components. Our third theme is the social construction of gender, which points out that the traits, behaviors, and roles that people associate with females and males are not inherent in one’s sex; they are shaped by numerous interpersonal, cultural, and societal forces. Even if some aspects of being a female or a male are biologically based, we live in a society that emphasizes gender, and our development as women and men—as well as our conceptions of what it means to be a female or a male—is significantly influenced by cultural and societal values (Charlebois, 2011; Kimmel, 2011; Lott, 2010; Wood & Eagly, 2010). We do not exist in a sterile laboratory; instead, we are continually affected by an interlocking set of expectations, pressures, and rewards that guide our development as women and men.

Furthermore, our experience and conceptions of femaleness and maleness cannot be viewed as separate from our ethnicity and social class (Charlebois, 2011) or from our sexual orientation and physical ability/disability (Lorber, 2010). Each of these identities is also socially constructed. Lesbians, for example, are affected not only by societal expectations about what women are like, but also by people’s beliefs about and attitudes toward lesbianism. To put it another way, studying women without looking at the intersections of their socially constructed multiple identities results in a limited and incomplete understanding of women’s lives (Dill & Zambrana, 2009a; White, 2011).

The social construction of gender is discussed in relation to several topics in the text. For example, we examine theories that explain how children develop their ideas about gender (Chapter 3); explore the processes of instilling a child with expectations about what it means to be a girl or boy (Chapter 4); and look at social influences on gender in our discussion of gender differences in aggression (Chapter 5), friendship (Chapter 8), and the division of household labor (Chapter 11).

Summary

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•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

•

DEFINITIONS: SEX AND GENDER

Sex refers to the classification of females and males based on biological factors. Gender refers to social expectations of roles and behaviors for females and males.

WOMEN AND MEN: SIMILAR OR DIFFERENT?

The similarities approach (beta bias) argues that women and men are basically alike in their behaviors and that any differences are a product of socialization. The differences approach (alpha bias) emphasizes that women and men are different and that these differences are biologically based.

FEMINISM

Liberal, cultural, socialist, radical, and women of color feminism all posit that women are disadvantaged relative to men. They differ in their assumptions about the sources of this inequality.

HISTORY OF WOMEN IN PSYCHOLOGY

For many years, women attained few leadership positions and awards in the APA, but gains have been made in recent years. Women’s contributions to psychology have often been overlooked or ignored, but that situation is improving.

HISTORY OF THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN

In the early years of psychology, women were viewed as inferior to men and their experiences were rarely studied. Early women psychologists carried out research that challenged the assumptions of female inferiority. In the 1970s, the psychology of women emerged as a separate field of study.

STUDYING THE PSYCHOLOGY OF WOMEN

Psychological research is not value free. Throughout most of its history, psychology did not pay much attention to the experiences of girls and women in either the topics investigated or the participants studied. Since 1970, there has been an increase in research focus on females; however, most of this research has been carried out on White, middle-class, heterosexual, able-bodied women. Generalizing results based on one type of participant to other types of people can lead to inaccurate conclusions. The researcher’s theoretical perspective influences the hypothesis examined in the research, which in turn affects the type of information learned from the

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•

•

•

•

• •

•

• •

•

•

research. The measures used to study the research topic can influence the findings of the research. Due to publication bias, published studies are more likely to present gender differences than gender similarities. Very few studies use blatantly biased gender language, but a more subtle bias can be detected in the use of nonparallel terms for comparable female and male behaviors. Some feminists advocate the use of traditional objective, quantitative research methods, while others favor qualitative procedures. There are several principles that characterize most feminist research. The narrative approach and meta-analysis are two methods of integrating results of several studies on the same topic. Meta-analysis is a statistical method that provides a measure of the magnitude of a given difference, known as the effect size.

THEMES IN THE TEXT

Three themes are prominent in this text. First, psychology must examine the intersecting identities and experiences of diverse groups of women. Second, the greater organizational and interpersonal power of men compared to women negatively shapes and limits women’s experiences. Women of color, poor and working-class women, sexual minority women, and women with disabilities experience additional power inequities, with cumulative effects. Third, gender is socially constructed; it is shaped by social, cultural, and societal values.

Key Terms gender roles 2 gender 2 sex 2 beta bias 2 alpha bias 2 essentialism 3 liberal feminism 4 cultural feminism 4 socialist feminism 4 radical feminism 4 patriarchy 4

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1.

2.

3.

4.

women of color feminism 4 racism 4 classism 4 sexism 4 sample 9 population 9 statistical significance 12 meta-analysis 14 effect size 16 intersectionality 16 race 17 ethnicity 17 organizational power 17 interpersonal power 17 power-over 17 power-to 18 social construction of gender 18

What Do You Think? Do you prefer the similarities approach or the differences approach to the study of gender issues? Why? Which definition of feminism or combination of definitions best reflects your own view of feminism? Why? Do you think it would be desirable for women and/or men if more people identified themselves as feminists? Explain your answer. We noted a few experiences of women that are influenced by a gender imbalance in power, and we will cover other examples throughout the text. However, can you now identify any behaviors or concerns of women that you think are influenced by a power imbalance?

If You Want to Learn More Berger, M. T., & Guidroz, K. (2011). The intersectional approach: Transforming the

academy through race, class, and gender. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press.

Caplan, P. J., & Caplan, J. B. (2009). Thinking critically about research on sex and gender (3rd ed.). Boston, MA: Pearson.

Chrisler, J. C., & McCreary, D. R. (Eds.). (2010). Handbook of gender research in psychology. New York: Springer.

Dill, B. T., & Zambrana, R. E. (Eds.). (2009). Emerging intersections: Race, class, and gender in theory, policy, and practice. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

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Fine, C. (2010). Delusions of gender: How our minds, society, and neurosexism create difference. New York: W. W. Norton.

Hesse-Biber, S. N. (2010). Mixed methods research: Merging theory with practice. New York: Guilford.

Hill Collins, P. (2008). Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment (2nd ed.). New York: Routledge.

Jordan, J. V., Walker, M., & Hartling, L M. (Eds.). (2004). The complexity of connection: Writings from the Stone Center’s Jean Baker Miller Training Institute. New York: Guilford.

Knight, G. P., Roosa, M. W., & Umana-Taylor, A. J. (2009). Studying ethnic minority and economically disadvantaged populations: Methodological challenges and best practices. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

Lott, B. (2010). Multiculturalism and diversity: A social psychological perspective. Maiden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

Meezan, W., & Martin, J. I. (Eds.). (2004). Research methods with gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender populations. Binghamton, NY: Harrington Park Press.

Mills, S., & Mullany, L. (2011). Language, gender, and feminism: Theory, methodology, and practice. New York: Routledge.

O’Connell, A. N. (2001). Models of achievement: Reflections of eminent women in psychology (Vol. 3). Mahway, NJ: Erlbaum.

Rudman, L. A., & Click, P. (2008). The social psychology of gender: How power and intimacy shape gender relations. New York: Guilford.

Ryle, R. (2012). Questioning gender: A sociological exploration. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage

White, J. W. (2011). Takingsides: Clashing views in gender (5th ed.). New York: McGraw-Hill.

Websites Feminism f​e​m​i​n​i​s​t​.​c​o​m​h​t​t​p​:/​/​w​w​w​.​f​e​m​i​n​i​s​t​.​c​o​m​/​

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CHAPTER 2

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Cultural Representation of Gender

Stereotypes of Females And Males The Content of Gender Stereotypes The Perceiver’s Ethnicity and Gender Stereotypes The Target’s Characteristics and Gender Stereotypes Stereotypes of Girls and Boys Bases for Gender Stereotypes Stereotypes Based on Identity Labels

Sexism: Experiences And Attitudes Experiences With Sexism Changes in Sexist Attitudes Over Time Modern Sexism Ambivalent Sexism

Representation of Gender in the Media Pattern 1: Underrepresentation of Females Pattern 2: Underrepresentation of Specific Groups of Females Pattern 3: Portrayal of Gender-Based Social Roles Pattern 4: Depiction of Female Communion and Male Agency Pattern 5: Emphasis on Female Attractiveness and Sexuality Impact of Gender-Role Media Images

Representation of Gender in the English Language Language Practices Based on the Assumption That Male Is Normative Negative Terms for Females Significance of the Differential Treatment of Females and Males in Language

In September 1970, on the day I (Judith) began my academic career, there was a

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I

meeting of the faculty at my campus. As was the custom, the campus director introduced me and another new professor to the rest of the faculty and staff. His introduction of my male colleague was both unsurprising and appropriate; he identified him as “Dr. Lantry Brooks” and then provided his academic credentials. Although my educational background was also given, the director introduced me, quite awkwardly, as “Dr., Mrs. Judith Bridges.”

What images of women’s and men’s roles does this dual title suggest? Is there a power difference implied by the different forms of address used for my male colleague and me?

Leap ahead to 2011. At that time, a colleague of Claire’s went through a lengthy decision-making process about the surname she would use after her forthcoming marriage. She knew her fiancé was not going to change his name, and she considered taking his name, retaining her birth name, or hyphenating their names. She decided to hyphenate.

Does this colleague’s decision have any effect on people’s impressions of her? When students read her name in the course schedule, when she applies for grants, or when she is introduced to new acquaintances, does her hyphenated name suggest a different image than her alternative choices would have? Why do people associate different characteristics with different surname choices; that is, what social experiences help shape these images?

n this chapter, we explore these issues and similar ones as we examine stereotypes of females and males, the nature of sexism, and the representations

of gender in the media and in language.

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STEREOTYPES OF FEMALES AND MALES Before we begin, think about your conception of the typical adult woman and the typical adult man. Then indicate your ideas in Get Involved 2.1.

The Content of Gender Stereotypes The characteristics shown in Get Involved 2.1 reflect gender stereotypes, that is, widely shared beliefs about the attributes of females and males. These views are present in virtually all cultures that have been studied (Ruspini, 2011; Webster & Rashotte, 2009). As this sample of traits indicates, personality characteristics associated with women, such as sympathy, kindness, and warmth, reflect a concern about other people. Social scientists call this cluster of attributes communion. The group of instrumental traits associated with men, including achievement orientation and ambitiousness, on the other hand, reflects a concern about accomplishing tasks and is called agency (Eagly & Sczesny, 2009).

Consistent with the tendency to associate communal traits with females and agentic traits with males is people’s tendency to expect different roles for women and men (Kite et al., 2008). For example, although most women are employed (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010b), many individuals continue to expect that women will be the primary caregivers of both children and older parents and that men will be the primary providers (Steinberg et al., 2008). In addition, people perceive female family members (i.e., mothers, grandmothers, sisters, aunts) to be more communal toward them than male family members (Monin et al., 2008).

Interestingly, some of these stereotypes have remained relatively unchanged since the 1970s, especially those involving experiencing and expressing emotion and caring as more typical of women and those involving assertiveness, independence, and activity as more typical of men (Kite et al., 2008; Nesbitt & Penn, 2000; Pierce et al., 2003). However, as women have gained status in Western culture in the last few decades, they have increasingly been viewed as having stereotypically masculine traits (Twenge, 2009). The typical woman is no longer considered to be less logical, direct, ambitious, or objective than the typical man or to have greater difficulty in making decisions or separating ideas from feelings. These traits constitute agentic characteristics having to do with competence and the capacity to be effective (Nesbitt & Penn, 2000).

You might have noted that the attributes comprising the male stereotype are more highly regarded in North American society and are more consistent with a powerful image and a higher status than those comprising the female cluster (Gerber, 2009). In Western culture, with its strong emphasis on the value of hard work and achievement, people tend to associate agentic qualities, such as ambition and independence, with power and prestige and to evaluate these traits more

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positively than communal attributes, such as gentleness and emotionality. In fact, highly competent and agentic women often are disliked, especially by men (Eagly & Sczesny, 2009). Thus, gender stereotypes are the first indication of the power imbalance discussed in Chapter 1.

GET INVOLVED 2.1 How Do You View Typical Females and Males?

Indicate which of the following characteristics reflect your conception of a typical adult woman and a typical adult man. Write W next to each characteristic you associate with women and M next to each characteristic you associate with men. If you think a particular trait is representative of both women and men, write both W and M next to that trait.

_______ achievement oriented _______ active _______ adventurous _______ affectionate _______ aggressive _______ ambitious _______ boastful _______ charming _______ daring _______ dominant _______ emotional _______ gentle _______ independent _______ kind _______ people oriented _______ pleasant _______ rational _______ softhearted _______ sympathetic _______ warm

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Did your conceptions of a typical woman and a typical man match those reported by samples of university students from the United States and 28 other countries? These students described the typical woman with traits including affectionate, charming, emotional, gentle, kind, people oriented, softhearted,

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1.

2.

3.

sympathetic, and warm; they described the typical man with characteristics such as achievement oriented, active, adventurous, ambitious, boastful, daring, independent, and rational.

If your impressions of the typical woman and the typical man did not agree with the descriptions reported by these samples of college students, give possible reasons. What was the ethnic identity of the typical woman and man that you considered when performing this activity? If you thought about a White woman and man, do you think your conceptions would have varied had you been asked to specifically consider Blacks, Latinas/os, Asian Americans, or Native Americans? If yes, what are those differences and what can explain them? Similarly, did you think of a middle-class woman and man? Would your impressions have varied had you thought about working-class or poor females and males? Explain any possible differences in gender stereotypes based on social class.

Sources: Based on De Lisi and Soundranayagam (1990) and Williams and Best (1990).

Gender stereotypes are relevant to another theme, introduced in Chapter 1, the social construction of gender. Regardless of their accuracy, gender-related beliefs serve as lenses that guide one’s expectations and interpretations of other people (Halpern et al., 2011). They can elicit stereotypic behaviors from others. For example, a high school teacher who believes that females are more nurturing than males might ask female students to volunteer in a day-care center run by the school. This activity would provide females but not males the opportunity to develop their caregiving traits. Thus, the teacher’s stereotype about the communal characteristics of girls and women might actually contribute to the construction of feminine traits in her female students.

The importance of gender stereotypes in the social construction of gender is also evident in the choices individuals make about their own behavior. For example, based on gender-related beliefs, more adolescent females than males might be likely to seek out babysitting experiences and, thus, more strongly develop traits such as nurturance and compassion.

The traits we have examined thus far are those that North Americans see as representative of most women and men. However, these stereotypes differ from people’s views of the ideal woman and man. Sue Street and her colleagues (Street, Kimmel et al., 1995; Street, Kromrey et al., 1995) studied college students’ and

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faculty’s conceptions about the ideal woman and the ideal man, as well as beliefs about most women and most men. They found that both students and faculty perceived most women as communal and most men as agentic. However, they viewed the ideal woman as very high in both female-related and male-related traits; that is, they believed she should be caring, sensitive, gentle, and compassionate as well as logical, intelligent, achievement oriented, and assertive. Additionally, although these respondents saw the ideal man as highest in agentic traits, they believed he should be relatively high in compassion as well. Thus, both students and faculty believe ideal persons of both genders should have both types of characteristics.

The Perceiver’s Ethnicity and Gender Stereotypes When you performed Get Involved 2.1, did your selection of traits for females and males match those found in previous research? Alternatively, did you find that you either were less restrictive than the samples investigated in these studies or that you used different stereotypes? Possibly you indicated that some of these characteristics were reflective of both females and males or that some were more representative of the gender not usually associated with the stereotype. Although there is considerable consistency among people in their gender stereotypes, all individuals do not think alike.

In fact, there is evidence that people from different ethnic backgrounds vary in the degree to which they believe the ideal characteristics for females are different from the ideal traits for males, with Blacks less stereotypic in their views than Latinas/os or Whites (Kane, 2000; Leaper, 2002). In one study, for example, it was found that Black adults were less likely than the Whites or Latinas/os to associate specific personality characteristics with each gender; instead they considered a larger variety of traits as desirable for both females and males (Harris, 1994). For example, Blacks rated assertiveness, independence, and self-reliance as equally desirable for Black women and men, whereas the other two ethnic groups evaluated these traits as more desirable for men than women in their cultural groups. Also, Blacks viewed eagerness to soothe hurt feelings as equally desirable for individuals of both genders, but Whites and Latinas/os perceived it as more desirable for women than men. The results of this and other studies indicate that among these three ethnic groups, Blacks are the least likely to adhere to rigid gender stereotypes for women and men.

The Target’s Characteristics and Gender Stereotypes We have seen that people with diverse ethnic backgrounds differ somewhat in their perception of stereotypes of women and men. Now let’s examine how these

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stereotypes vary as a function of the characteristics of the person who is the object, or target, of the stereotype. These characteristics include a woman’s age, ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, and ableness.

AGE. One of the challenges facing older people in North America and many other parts of the world is the presence of stereotypes (mostly negative) that many people hold about older people (Antonucci et al., 2010; Staudinger & Bowen, 2010). Both children and adults express stereotyped views about older people, some positive (warm, kind, friendly, wise) and others negative (incompetent, inactive, unattractive, feeble, sick, cranky, forgetful, obstinate) (Fingerman & Charles, 2010; Fiske, 2010a; Hummert, 2011; Irni, 2009). Such negative stereotypes are part of a concept known as ageism, a bias against older people. Ageism resembles sexism and racism in that all are forms of prejudice that limit people who are the object of that prejudice. Unlike sexism and racism, however, everyone will confront ageism if they live long enough (Hurd Clarke, 2011).

Ageism seems to be more strongly directed toward women than men. For centuries, unflattering terms have been used to describe middle-aged and older women: shrew, crazy old lady, crone, hag, wicked old witch, old maid, dreaded mother-in-law (Have you ever heard any jokes about fathers-in-law?) (American Psychological Association, 2007a; Bugental & Hehman, 2007; Grant & Hundley, 2007; Sherman, 2001). Another example of negative attitudes toward older women is the double standard of aging that we will examine later in the chapter.

Psychologists seem to share society’s negative views of older women. They are more likely to rate older women as less assertive, less willing to take risks, and less competent than younger women (American Psychological Association, 2007a). Moreover, feminists are not free of ageism and have paid very little attention to older women (Antonucci et al., 2010). For example, even though textbooks on the psychology of women and psychology of gender note the invisibility of older women in the media, these texts themselves give only minimal coverage to midlife and older women (Etaugh et al., 2010). In addition, coverage of eating disorders and sexually transmitted infections in these textbooks focuses almost exclusively on younger women, even though these conditions affect women of all ages. Elder abuse also is ignored by most of the books.

Although aging women have traditionally been viewed less positively than aging men, there is some indication that attitudes toward older women may be improving. One positive sign is what psychologist Margaret Matlin (2001) calls the “Wise and Wonderful Movement.” In the twenty-first century, there has been an explosion of books on women who discover themselves in middle or old age. The books present a positive picture of the challenges and opportunities for women in their later years. Three of these books, by Joan Chittister (2008), Laura Hurd Clarke (2011) and Suzanne Levine (2009), are listed as recommended readings at

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the end of this chapter.

ETHNICITY. Research has found that women are viewed differently according to their ethnicity. Latinas, for example, are described in relatively positive or neutral terms: pleasant, caring, family-oriented, and passive (Mindiola et al., 2002; Niemann et al., 1994). Asian American women are often perceived as soft-spoken and subservient, but also as hard-working and highly educated, a “model minority” (Khang & Heller de Leon, 2006).

Black women tend to be viewed in terms of the cultural matriarchal stereotype: tough, direct, aggressive, dominant, and strong (Donovan et al., 2005; Mindiola et al., 2002). This somewhat negative stereotype indicates that individuals may overlook the harsh realities of racial and gender oppression in the lives of many Black women and may perceive Black women through a racist lens, a problem experienced by other ethnic minority women as well (Chisholm & Greene, 2008).

SOCIAL CLASS. Studies have found that individuals of lower socioeconomic status are typically characterized as dishonest, dependent, lazy, stupid, uneducated, promiscuous, drug using, and violent (Cozzarelli et al., 2001). One study found that women from a poor, White community in Appalachia were perceived as dirty, uncouth, “white trash,” and unfit mothers (Jones, 2007). Similarly, women who receive public aid are subjected to demeaning, hostile attitudes and treatment by workers in the welfare system (Lott, 2010).

SEXUAL ORIENTATION. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals experience widespread social stigmatization that either renders them invisible or causes them to be viewed as sick, immoral, or evil (Fassinger et al., 2010; Herek, 2010). Moreover, many gays and lesbians claim that the labels “masculine” and “feminine” represent efforts of the heterosexual community to pigeonhole LGBTs in traditional ways (Rathus et al., 2010).

ABLENESS. People attribute more negative characteristics to women with disabilities than to able-bodied women. This bias against people because of their disability is known as ableism (Chisholm & Greene, 2008). Women with disabilities, unlike able-bodied women, are frequently stereotyped as unattractive, asexual, unfit to reproduce, helpless, weak, and overly dependent (Banks, 2010; Martin, 2008b; Nosek, 2010; Nario-Redmond, 2010).

In summary, we can see that gender stereotypes are not applied uniformly to all women. A woman’s age, ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, and ableness influence how she is perceived.

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Stereotypes of Girls and Boys We have seen that people have different expectations of the traits and behaviors of adult females and males. Now let’s examine adults’ gender-stereotypic expectations of children.

As early as the first few days of life, newborn girls and boys are perceived differently. Parents rate newborn daughters as finer featured, less strong, and more delicate than newborn sons, despite medical evidence of no physical differences between them (Karraker et al., 1995). Thus, it is apparent that adults hold gender stereotypes of the physical characteristics of children immediately after the child’s birth.

Adults’ gender stereotypes of children are not restricted to early infancy. When Canadian college students were asked to rate typical characteristics of 4- to 7-year- old girls and boys, they rated 24 out of 25 traits as being more typical for one gender than the other (Martin, 1995). Additionally, the traits seen as typical for girls versus boys reflected the communion-agency stereotypes evident in gender stereotypes of adults. For example, these students rated girls, compared to boys, as more gentle, sympathetic, and helpful around the house, and they rated boys as more self-reliant, dominant, and competitive than girls.

Bases for Gender Stereotypes Our exploration of the origins of gender stereotypes focuses on two related issues: (1) the reasons why people stereotype on the basis of gender and (2) the reasons why these stereotypes center on communal traits for females and agentic attributes for males. In other words, we will consider explanations for both the process and the content of gender stereotyping.

SOCIAL CATEGORIZATION. Because individuals are bombarded daily with diverse types of people, behaviors, situations, and so on, they simplify their social perceptions by sorting individuals into categories, a process called social categorization. They focus on the characteristics people share with other members of that category. As an example, in a hospital individuals might categorize the health professionals they encounter as doctors and nurses. Then, the differential set of characteristics they associate with physicians versus nurses serves as a behavior guide when they interact with them, enabling them to ask questions appropriate to their skills and knowledge.

Although individuals use a variety of cues for the sorting process, social categorization is frequently based on easily identified characteristics, such as ethnicity, age, and gender (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2010). The process of gender stereotyping begins with the categorization of individuals as females or males with the implicit assumption that the members of each gender share certain attributes.

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Then, when one meets a new individual, he/she attributes these gender characteristics to this person.

Although the social categorization and stereotyping processes help simplify a person’s understanding of and interactions with other people, they can lead a person astray, because neither all females nor all males are alike. Individuals are most likely to rely on stereotypes when they have little differentiating information about the person. Once more details about a person are available, they use that information in addition to the person’s gender to form their impressions and guide their interactions (Kite et al., 2008). For example, when evaluating an individual’s level of ambition, people might make use of the person’s gender if no other information were available. However, this information would be much less important if they knew the individual was the CEO of a major corporation.

SOCIAL ROLE THEORY. Given that people divide others into gender categories and attribute similar characteristics to all members of a category, we turn now to the question of why people associate communion with females and agency with males. One possibility is that these stereotypes stem from people’s observations of the behaviors individuals typically perform in their social roles. According to social role theory (Diekman & Schneider, 2010; Wood & Eagly, 2010), stereotypes of women and men stem from the association of women with the domestic role and men with the employee role. Thus, because individuals have observed women primarily in the domestic role, they assume women have the nurturing traits characteristic of that role. Similarly, because more men than women have traditionally been seen in the employment role, people perceive men as having the agentic traits displayed in the workplace.

Support for this theory of gender stereotypes comes from studies that show the influence of a person’s social role on the application of gender-related traits to her/him. For example, social roles can override gender when assigning communal or agentic characteristics to others. Specifically, when participants are asked to describe a woman and a man who are homemakers, they view them as equally communal. Similarly, when asked to describe a full-time female and male employee, they perceive both as agentic. In addition, women and men who are employed are viewed as more agentic than those who are not (Coleman & Franiuk, 2011), mothers are seen as more communal than non-mothers (Bridges et al., 2000; Etaugh & Poertner, 1992), and married women are perceived as more communal than unmarried women (Etaugh & Nekolny, 1990; Etaugh & Poertner, 1991). Clearly, when people are aware of an individual’s social role, their stereotypes of the person are influenced by that role information.

The influence of social roles on gender stereotypes is evident even when people are asked to describe women and men in both the past and the future. When both college students and students after college were asked to rate the average

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woman and the average man in 1950, 1975, 2025, and 2050, they viewed females as becoming dramatically more masculine over time and males as becoming somewhat more feminine (Diekman & Eagly, 1997). What accounts for these perceptions? In support of social role theory, the researchers found that the decreasing degree of gender stereotyping was related to the belief that the occupational and domestic roles of women and men during this time period have become and will continue to become increasingly similar.

Keep in mind, however, the evidence presented earlier in this chapter—that stereotypes have remained relatively constant, at least since the 1970s. What can explain the discrepancy between the increased participation of women in the labor force and the consistency of gender stereotypes over time? Although more women are employed now than in the past, they are more likely than men to be employed in caregiving occupations, such as nursing and early childhood education. Also, regardless of their employment role, women still have the primary caregiving responsibility in their families. Although social roles are gradually changing, women remain the primary nurturers and men the primary providers around the world (Cabrera et al., 2009; Chuang & Su, 2009; Tamis-LeMonda et al., 2009). Consequently, it is not surprising that people’s stereotypes of females and males have been resistant to change.

Stereotypes Based on Identity Labels Recall the experience Judith described at the beginning of the chapter when she was introduced as “Dr., Mrs. Bridges.” The fact that the campus director introduced her this way but did not present her male colleague as “Dr. Lantry Brooks who happens to be married” implies he believed that a woman’s identity, more than a man’s, is shaped by her marital role. Although his use of a dual title was unusual, his belief about a woman’s identity is consistent with the long- standing cultural norm that a woman is defined in terms of her relationship to a man (Gooding & Kreider, 2010). Given that a woman’s title of address can signify her marital role and that her marital status has been viewed as an important aspect of her identity, people might expect different stereotypes of women who use different titles for themselves. Consider the woman who chooses not to use the conventional “Miss” or “Mrs.” labels that announce her marital status but instead identifies herself with the neutral “Ms.” Kelly Malcolmson and Lisa Sinclair (2007) replicated older studies that had found that women who prefer the title Ms. are perceived as more agentic but less communal than traditionally titled women. Thus, the Ms. title remains a powerful cue eliciting a stereotype consistent with male gender-related traits and inconsistent with female gender-related traits. Other research by Carol Lawton and her colleagues (Lawton et al., 2003) found that Ms. was often defined as a title for unmarried women, especially by younger adults.

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Older unmarried women were more likely to prefer Ms. as their own title than were younger unmarried women, whereas married women overwhelmingly preferred the use of Mrs.

Given that people’s impressions of a woman are influenced by her preferred title, a related question is whether these stereotypes vary according to another identity label, a woman’s choice of surname after marriage. Similar to the preference for Ms. as a title of address, a woman’s choice of a surname other than her husband’s, such as her birth name or a hyphenated name, is a nontraditional practice that separates the woman’s personal identity from her identity as a wife. Nowadays, about 20 percent of college-educated brides do not take their husbands’ last names, compared with only 4 percent in 1975 (Grossman, 2007). The more education a married woman has, the more likely she is to use a nonconventional surname. Compared to women with bachelor’s degrees, those with professional degrees (i.e., lawyers, physicians) are five times more likely to choose a nontraditional name, and those with doctorates are nearly ten times more likely to do so (Gooding & Kreider, 2010). Thus, it is not surprising that studies by Claire, Judith, and their students (Etaugh et al., 1999; Etaugh & Conrad, 2004; Etaugh & Roe, 2002) showed that college women and men view married women who use a nontraditional surname as more agentic and less communal than women who follow the patriarchal practice of taking their husbands’ names after marriage.

Why do a woman’s preferred title and surname influence the characteristics attributed to her? One possibility is that individuals have observed more women with nontraditional forms of address (i.e., title and/or surname) in the workplace than in the domestic role and, thus, attribute more agentic traits to her. Indeed we’ve just seen that married women who use nonconventional surnames are often highly educated and have prestigious occupations (Gooding & Kreider, 2010). Thus, consistent with social role theory (Wood & Eagly, 2010), stereotypes of women who prefer nontraditional forms of address might be due to the belief that they are in nontraditional roles.

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SEXISM: EXPERIENCES AND ATTITUDES The definition of sexism as bias against people because of their gender can be directed at either females or males. However, because women have a power disadvantage relative to men, they are more likely to be targets of sexism (Glick & Fiske, 2007). Therefore, our discussion focuses on the more specific definition of sexism as stereotypes and/or discriminatory behaviors that serve to restrict women’s roles and maintain male dominance. For example, stereotypes such as “women should be the primary caregivers” and “women are not competent to be police officers or university presidents” serve to shape women’s role choices. Violating these gender stereotypes can result in social and economic reprisals— a phenomenon referred to as the backlash effect (Swim & Hyers, 2008). For example, a highly qualified female job applicant may be viewed as socially deficient, leading to hiring discrimination and ultimately the maintenance of male dominance in the culture at large.

Consider the real-life case of Ann Hopkins, a highly accomplished manager at Price Waterhouse, a prestigious accounting firm. In 1982, Hopkins was one of 88 candidates for partner and the only female candidate. At that time, she had more billable hours than any other contenders, had brought in $25 million worth of business, and was highly regarded by her clients. However, Ann Hopkins was turned down for the partnership. She was criticized for her “macho” style and was advised to “walk more femininely, talk more femininely, dress more femininely, wear makeup and jewelry” (Hopkins, 2007, p. 62).

Hopkins filed a lawsuit, asserting that her promotion had been denied on the basis of her gender. Although she won this suit, her employer appealed the decision all the way up to the Supreme Court. The Court decided in Ann Hopkins’s favor, concluding that gender-based stereotyping had played a role in the firm’s refusal to promote her to partner. After this decision, Ann Hopkins did become a partner and was awarded financial compensation for her lost earnings (Hopkins, 2007).

Experiences With Sexism Sadly, almost all girls and women experience sexism at one time or another (Moradi & DeBlaere, 2010). For example, in a study of 600 teenage girls of varied socioeconomic and ethnic backgrounds (Leaper & Brown, 2008), it was found that half of the girls reported hearing discouraging, sexist comments about their abilities in science, math, or computer usage. Three-fourths had received disparaging comments about their athletic abilities and sports involvement. Male peers were the most common perpetrators of academic and athletic sexist remarks. Such disapproval may lead some girls to downplay their interests and competencies in sports or academic areas, which can ultimately diminish their later achievements in

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these areas. Even more troubling, perhaps, teachers were a frequent source of discouraging remarks about girls’ academic abilities, as were fathers. (More about this in Chapter 5.)

The perception of sexism depends, in part, on a woman’s interpretation (Moradi & DeBlaere, 2010). To one woman a joke that sexually degrades women is sexist, but to another woman that joke is simply funny. Women also differ from one another in their willingness to acknowledge their own experience with discrimination. For example, college women who have a strong desire for social approval are less likely to acknowledge they had experienced sexist discrimination than are those willing to risk disapproval (Kobrynowicz & Branscombe, 1997). According to these researchers, claiming sexism might be perceived as socially undesirable for women who are greatly concerned about the amount of approval they receive from others.

Changes in Sexist Attitudes Over Time In the past few decades, the endorsement of traditional gender roles and overt sexism has decreased in many countries especially within North America and Europe (Swim, Becker, 2010). It is likely that the reduction in overt sexism is due, in part, to legislative actions (e.g., 1960s legislation prohibiting education and workplace discrimination on the basis of sex) and other social changes (e.g., the significant influx of married women into the workplace in the last few decades). However, some of the decline in overt sexism might reflect the decreased social acceptability of blatantly sexist views, rather than a real weakening of beliefs that serve to maintain traditional roles and power differences. Several theorists have suggested that more subtle types of sexism have emerged: modern sexism and ambivalent sexism.

Modern Sexism Modern sexism (Swim, Becker et al., 2010) is based on the coexistence of conflicting attitudes. According to this perspective, some people hold egalitarian values but, at the same time, harbor negative feelings toward women. The resulting ideology is characterized by the belief that gender discrimination is no longer a problem in society and is manifested by harmful treatment of women in ways that appear to be socially acceptable. For example, a modern sexist might argue that policies that foster gender equality, such as affirmative action, should not be implemented. Thus, it is possible for a person to espouse sexist beliefs such as these but not appear to be prejudiced against women.

Do you know anyone who endorses modern sexism? See Get Involved 2.2 for examples of modern sexist beliefs.

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1. 2.

Ambivalent Sexism Generally, people consider sexism to comprise negative stereotypes about women, such as the beliefs that women are fragile, submissive, and less competent than men. And, of course, we can see how stereotypes such as these are detrimental to women. Interestingly, however, Peter Glick and Susan Fiske (2007; Lee et al., 2010) have proposed that sexism can be ambivalent, encompassing both hostile sexism, or negative stereotypes of women, and benevolent sexism, or the seemingly positive view that idealizes women as pure objects of men’s adoration and protection.

Although hostile sexist beliefs are overtly demeaning, benevolent sexist views are usually accompanied by genuine affection, and the holder of these attitudes might be unaware of their implicit sexist bias. For example, a husband who shields his wife from the family’s financial difficulties might be unaware of the biased assumptions implicit in his desire to protect her. According to Glick and Fiske (2007), hostile and benevolent sexism both imply that women are weak and best suited for traditional gender roles. Both serve to justify and maintain patriarchal social structures. Some aspects of benevolent sexism may appeal to some women. For example, beliefs that women are less physically strong or more emotionally sensitive allow women to not engage in distasteful activities ranging from taking out the garbage to fighting in wars (Goodwin & Fiske, 2001). Moreover, some women may endorse benevolent sexism in order to avoid antagonizing their male partners (Expósito et al., 2010). However, research shows that benevolent sexism actually has a more harmful effect than hostile sexism on women’s performances on cognitive tasks. In one study, patronizing statements read before task performance led to feelings of self-doubt and decreased self-esteem, which undermined performance. Hostile sexist statements did not have this negative effect (Dardenne et al., 2007). For a look at ambivalent sexism around the world, see Explore Other Cultures 2.1.

GET INVOLVED 2.2 Who Holds Modern Sexist Beliefs?

On a scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree), indicate the extent to which you disagree or agree with each of the following statements. Also, ask several female and male acquaintances who vary in age to respond to these statements.

It is rare to see women treated in a sexist manner on television. Society has reached the point where women and men have equal opportunities for achievement.

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3.

4. 5.

6.

7.

1.

2.

3.

Over the past few years, the government and news media have been showing more concern about the treatment of women than is warranted by women’s actual experiences. Discrimination against women is no longer a problem in the United States. Women’s requests in terms of equality between the sexes are simply exaggerated. Universities are wrong to admit women in costly programs such as medicine when, in fact, a large number will leave their jobs after a few years to raise their children. Due to social pressures, firms frequently have to hire underqualified women.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Sum the ratings you gave to these seven statements. Do the same for each of your respondents. Note that each statement reflects a sexist belief; therefore, the higher the score, the greater the sexism.

Are there differences between the views of your female and male respondents? Explain your finding. Are there differences between the views of respondents who vary in age? Explain your finding. Do you think it is possible that a person could endorse one or more of these beliefs but not be supportive of traditional roles and male dominance? Why or why not?

Sources: Based on Swim et al. (1995) and Tougas et al. (1995).

EXPLORE OTHER CULTURES 2.1 Benevolent Sexism Is a Global Phenomenon

Peter Glick, Susan Fiske, and their colleagues (2000) measured ambivalent sexism in over 15,000 participants in 19 countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia, Australia, and Europe. Although both hostile and benevolent sexism were prevalent in all cultures, these attitudes were strongest in Africa and Latin America and weakest in Northern Europe and Australia. Without exception, men showed more hostile sexism than women. In contrast, women in about half the countries endorsed benevolent sexism as much as or even more than men did (Figure 2.1). What accounts for these cross-cultural differences? The key factor appears to be the degree to which gender inequality exists in the various

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nations. Gender inequality is measured by such things as women’s (relative to men’s) participation in a country’s economy and political system, their life expectancy, educational level, and standard of living. In countries with the greatest gender inequality (i.e., in Africa and Latin America), both men’s and women’s sexism scores were highest. Furthermore, the more hostile sexism the men showed, the more likely women were to embrace benevolent sexism, even to the point of endorsing it more strongly than men. How can this be explained? According to Glick and Fiske (2007), the greater the threat of hostile sexism from a society’s men, the stronger the incentive for women to adopt benevolent sexism’s protective nature.

FIGURE 2.1 Hostile and Benevolent Sexism Across Countries: The Top Three in Gender Equality Versus the Bottom Three

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REPRESENTATION OF GENDER IN THE MEDIA We have seen that North American adults have different conceptions of females and males. We turn now to the depiction of these stereotypes in the media. People are bombarded daily with differential images of females and males on television, in the movies, in books, and in magazines. Are these images consistent with gender stereotyping? Try the exercise in Get Involved 2.3 to examine television portrayals of gender.

Numerous investigations of the depiction of females and males in both electronic and print media have revealed several consistent patterns: the underrepresentation of females, the underrepresentation of specific groups of females, the portrayal of gender-based social roles, the depiction of female communion and male agency, and the emphasis on female attractiveness and sexuality. Our first task is to examine these patterns. Then we consider the effects of media images on gender stereotypes and attitudes.

Pattern 1: Underrepresentation of Females As we have previously seen, women are perceived as less powerful and less important than men. This imbalance of power and value is reflected in the underrepresentation of females in media around the world. For example, the proportion of females has changed little since the 1990s. Currently, between 32 and 38 percent of characters on television shows for both children and adults are female (Hether & Murphy, 2010; Media Awareness Network, 2010). Similarly, the percentage of female characters in television commercials (Das, 2011; Paek et al., 2011) and movies (APA Task Force, 2007; Lauzen, 2003) ranges from approximately 20 to 45 percent. Recent studies of G-rated films found that nearly three out of four characters were male (Lamb, 2006; Smith et al., 2010). This underrepresentation is also mirrored in video games (Yao et al., 2010), Sunday morning news analysis shows (Brazile, 2007), computer clipart images (Milburn et al., 2001), coloring books (Fitzpatrick & McPherson, 2010), and even cereal boxes (Black et al., 2009).

GET INVOLVED 2.3 How Are Females and Males Portrayed on Prime-Time Television?

Watch five different prime-time shows and record the following information: (1) the number of major female and male characters; (2) the ethnicity of these characters; (3) the employment status and occupation, if employed, of each major female and male character; (4) the marital and parental status of these characters; (5) the approximate age of each of these characters (e.g., 20s, 30s);

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1.

2.

3.

and (6) whether or not each character’s physical appearance was mentioned or otherwise appeared to be an important characteristic of that person. After recording this information, examine commonalities and differences in the depiction of females and males and in the portrayal of different age groups. Also, if these shows featured women and/or men of color, compare portrayals of characters of varying ethnicities.

WHAT DOES IT MEAN? Are your findings consistent with those presented in this chapter? If not, what might explain any differences you observed? Do your findings indicate that members of each gender are depicted similarly, regardless of their ethnicity or age? If you found differences related to ethnicity or age, explain them. Do you think that media images of gender, as described in this chapter and as shown by your analysis, help shape people’s construction of gender? Explain your answer.

This situation has improved in recent years in certain types of children’s reading material. For example, picture books are more likely to feature males and females equally in titles, as central characters, and in pictures (Gooden & Gooden, 2001; Lane & Etaugh, 2001). Children’s school textbooks are less gender biased then they were 30 years ago, but male characters continue to outnumber female ones in basic readers and math materials (Meece & Scantlebury, 2006).

Pattern 2: Underrepresentation of Specific Groups of Females ETHNICITY. The invisibility of females is most evident when considering females in less powerful social categories. Women and girls of color, especially Latinas, Asian Americans, and Native Americans, are featured very infrequently in children’s and adult’s television shows, commercials (Coltrane & Messineo, 2000; Van Evra, 2004), movies (Lauzen, 2003; Smith et al., 2010), and video games (Williams et al., 2009). When they do appear, they are highly stereotyped (Berry, 2007; Gill, 2007; Martin & Kazyak, 2009). For example, Latina characters are often shown in low-status occupations such as maids (Navarro, 2002). On prime- time television shows, Black women and men, compared to Whites, are portrayed as more passive, are dressed in more provocative and less professional manner, and are judged to be the laziest and least respected ethnic group (Mastro & Greenberg, 2000). Ethnic minority women are also underrepresented in advertisements in a wide variety of periodicals (Lipkin, 2009; Sengupta, 2006).

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AGE. Although older adults of both sexes are generally underrepresented in the media, this is especially true for women (Cole & Sabik, 2009; Hurd Clarke, 2011; Kessler et al., 2010; Prieler et al., 2011). Joan Chrisler (2007) notes that the scarcity of images of women over 50 in the media conveys the message that women should either hide the signs of aging or stay hidden. The few older women who appear on television shows are portrayed less favorably than older men. They are often depicted as comic or eccentric figures, asexual, burdensome, dependent, interfering, gossipy, or downright villainous (Gill, 2007; Hant, 2011; Wilkinson & Ferraro, 2002). Whereas prime-time male characters aged 65 and older are depicted as active, middle-aged, mature adults, women of that age are more likely to be designated as elderly (Signorielli & Bacue, 1999). In the movies (Lauzen, 2003), female characters are younger than male characters, with most women under age 35. In fact, women over 50 are portrayed in only 12 percent of the roles in popular movies, and among the top actors aged 50 or older, only 20 percent are women (Haskell & Harmetz, 1998). Older women of color are rarely seen (Robinson et al., 2004).

Older women in popular films are portrayed as more unfriendly, unintelligent, unattractive, scary, or wicked (Bazzini et al., 1997; Sobchack, 2009). In the popular animated Disney films, for example, evil older women abound: the wicked queen in Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, Cinderella’s stepmother, Maleficent (Sleeping Beauty), Ursula (The Little Mermaid), Cruella DeVille (101 Dalmatians), the Red Queen (Alice in Wonderland), and Mother Gothel (Tangled). Attractive actresses such as Meryl Streep, Jessica Lange, and Diane Keaton are labeled “geezer babes”—and thus too old for romantic parts—whereas male actors many years their senior are paired with young ingenues (Chrisler, 2007; Genzlinger, 2004; Haskell, 1998). Along the same lines, women over the age of 39 accounted for only 27 percent of all Academy Award winners for Best Actress from 1927 to 1990, whereas men in the same age category won 67 percent of Best Actor awards (Markson & Taylor, 1993). Hollywood’s long-standing tendency to add years to actresses and subtract them from actors has led to some interesting—and biologically impossible—movie relationships. For example, 29-year-old Angelina Jolie played the mother of 28-year-old Colin Farrell in the 2004 film Alexander (Beumont, 2005).

Print media are no exception. In magazines targeting 40- and 50-year-old women, for example, most of the models are in their 20s and early 30s (Bessenoff & Del Priore, 2007). Readers of these magazines are bombarded with ads for antiaging products (Hurd Clarke, 2011). Those older women who do appear in the media are praised for their youthful appearance and for hiding the signs of aging (Hant, 2011). Internet ads for antiaging products send the message that older women are worthwhile only to the extent that they revert to middle-aged and even youthful

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norms of female beauty (Calasanti, 2007). In the words of Susan Bordo,

I’m 56. The magazines tell me that at this age, a woman can still be beautiful. But they don’t mean me. They mean Cher, Goldie, Faye, Candace. Women whose jowls have disappeared as they’ve aged, whose eyes have become less droopy, lips grown plumper, foreheads smoother with the passing years. “Aging beautifully” used to mean wearing one’s years with style, confidence, and vitality. Today, it means not appearing to age at all.

(2004, p. 246)

In the present youth-oriented society, the prospect of getting older is generally not relished by either sex. For women, however, the stigma of aging is much greater than it is for men. Susan Sontag (1997) has labeled this phenomenon the double standard of aging. The same gray hair and wrinkles that enhance the perceived status and attractiveness of an older man diminish the attractiveness and desirability of an older woman. Some researchers account for this by noting that a woman’s most socially valued qualities—her ability to provide sex and bear children—are associated with the physical beauty and fertility of youth. As she ages, she is seen as less attractive because her years of social usefulness as childbearer are behind her. Men, however, are seen as possessing qualities— competence, autonomy, and power—that are not associated with youth but rather increase with age (Brooks, 2010; Cole & Sabik, 2010; England & McClintock, 2009). Before going further, try Get Involved 2.4.

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