California Government and Politics

Today

Fourteenth Edition

Mona Field Glendale Community College

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Field, Mona. California government and politics today / Mona Field.—Fourteenth ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN-13: 978-0-205-25178-0 ISBN-10: 0-205-25178-1 1. California—Politics and government—1951- I. Title. JK8716.F54 2013 320.9794—dc23 2011048397

Copyright © 2013, 2011, 2009, 2007 by Mona Field. All rights reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. This publication is protected by Copyright, and permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or likewise. To obtain permission(s) to use material from this work, please submit a written request to Pearson Education, Inc., Permissions Department, One Lake Street, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey 07458, or you may fax your request to 201-236-3290.

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ISBN 10: 0-205-25178-1 ISBN 13: 978-0-205-25178-0

For my many friends and colleagues who

inspire me to learn more and do better.

MONA FIELD

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Contents Preface vii

CHAPTER 1 California Politics in Perspective 1

CHAPTER 2 The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture 10

CHAPTER 3 California’s Historical Development 20

CHAPTER 4 Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance 28

CHAPTER 5 Media Influences and Interest Groups 38

CHAPTER 6 Political Parties and Other Voluntary Organizations 46

CHAPTER 7 Campaigns and Elections: Too Many? 54

CHAPTER 8 The California Legislature 64

CHAPTER 9 California’s Plural Executive: Governor Plus Seven 75

CHAPTER 10 Paying the Bills: California’s Budget Struggles 86

CHAPTER 11 California Courts and Judges 97

CHAPTER 12 Criminal Justice and Civil Law 106

CHAPTER 13 City Governments: Providing the Basics 115

CHAPTER 14 Counties, Special Districts, and Education K–Graduate 124

CHAPTER 15 Challenges for California’s Future 131

APPENDIX A Directory of Political Organizations That Anyone Can Join 140

APPENDIX B Communicating Your Views to Your Elected Officials 142

Glossary 143

Bibliography 147

Index 149

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Preface

Welcome to the Fourteenth Edition of California Government and Politics Today. After over 35 years in existence, this textbook’s mission is still to explain California’s ever-changing political situation in the context of social and economic trends. The focus remains on ethnic and cultural diversity, the global economy’s impact on California (and vice versa), and the emphasis on political involvement as an essential component of achieving the California Dream.

NEW TO THIS EDITION While the state is still an economic powerhouse, the current economic climate is the worst since the 1930s, and the long-term predicted population growth (50 million people by 2050) creates deep concerns about where and how everyone will live. This edition acknowledges the gloomy state of affairs in the Golden State, and reports on the economic downturn and political dysfunction that have so badly hurt California’s people and its reputation. New details about ongoing public cutbacks as well as increasingly urgent dilemmas regarding energy supplies, educa- tional opportunities, and political reform possibilities add depth to the basic information already in the text.

The new political districts for the legislature and Congress as well as the “top two” primary elections are explained, and recent actions such as the signing of the California DREAM Act and the appointment of former UC Berkeley professor Goodwin Liu to the state Supreme Court bring students up to date. A new focus in Chapter 14 on the two systems of public higher education (CSU and UC) helps students understand the governance and fiscal circumstances of our two public university systems. Other new and important information involves data from the most recent public opinion polls about the state and its future, much of it from the excellent work of the Public Policy Institute of California. As always, this text is designed to give students a broad background that enables them to understand, analyze, and interpret fast-changing events. To that end, and to engage students, the text includes interactive learning tools in each chapter that have been updated in this new edition.

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viii Preface

Debating the Issues presents contrasting views of important political issues facing the state and can be used to spark classroom discus- sion. Each “Debating the Issues” box includes “Ask Yourself”—a brief question designed to stimulate thinking and research.

Compared to California provides unique insights about the political structures and processes of California by comparing them to the federal system, other states, and other nations.

Enjoying Media: Movies to See and Websites to Explore includes both documentaries and Hollywood fiction, as well as Websites that illuminate various aspects of California life.

ADDITIONAL LEARNING AIDS The text still includes “Questions to Consider” at the end of each chapter. All of these tools can be used to stimulate class discussion or to develop themes for essays and term papers. The book continues to feature numer- ous updated charts and maps, a glossary (defining terms that appear in italics in the text), a section dedicated to “How to Communicate with Your Elected Officials,” a bibliography for further reading, and a list of political organizations that students may wish to learn more about.

Students who want to reinforce their learning may take advantage of MySearchLab with Pearson eText. This book-specific website features a full, interactive eText; complete overviews of the entire writing and research process; and chapter-specific content such as learning objectives, quizzes, media, and flashcards to enrich learning and help students succeed.

For the benefit of instructors, a complete test bank is available.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This edition has benefited from the input of colleagues from around the state, including Michael Bressler, Long Beach City College; Kathleen Holland, Los Angeles Pierce College; and Kimberly Naider, California State University–Sacramento. Thanks are also due to colleague Andra Verstraete from Glendale Community College, who always reminds me that the goal is a student-friendly textbook.

I thank everyone for their important input, which has enabled me to improve the book. I remain personally responsible for the final product, including its strengths and weaknesses. Further ideas and suggestions from colleagues are most welcome, so feel free to contact me directly with your comments.

As always, the goal remains to enlighten our students and help them achieve their share of the California Dream—in whatever form available.

Mona Field mfield@glendale.edu

1

CHAPTER ONE

California Politics in Perspective

California is in the midst of a surprising transformation from a migration magnet that supplies its needs from outside the state to a more self-contained society that depends on its present members. We have become a land of settled and increasingly committed residents who share a future together.

—Dowell Myers, University of Southern California Demographer.

As Californians move into the second decade of the twenty-first century, there are deep concerns about the quality of life in the Golden State. Is California on the edge of a major decline, with public education, state parks, social services, and other government activities getting cut so severely that the future is jeopardized? Or is state govern- ment undergoing a much-needed “live within our means” correction?

If you ask Governor Jerry Brown and the Democrats in the legisla- ture, it’s the former. But the Republican minority in the legislature claims it is the latter. Both sides claim to have popular support, and given the state’s red/blue divide, probably both are correct. California, despite having elected an all-Democratic executive branch, and having a huge Democratic majority in its legislature, still has a Republic core in the  Central Valley, the Inland Empire, and most of the northeast counties. The Democratic coast and urban areas may have more people, but the minority Republicans still have a veto over any taxes.

As Californians go about their lives, many of them completely obliv- ious to the drama in the state capitol, the question remains: Will the current budget cause long-term damage to children, to college students, to the disabled, and to the parks and beaches that beautify the state?

2 CHAPTER 1 ■ California Politics in Perspective

Or will government do less and individuals have to pay more for their services? And what does the future hold for Californians if things continue as they are?

Ironically, with all its budget messes, California remains a world economic power: If California were a separate nation, it would rank in the top ten nations in gross domestic production (GDP). California still leads the nation in population, although growth is slowing for the first time in the state’s history (see Table 1.1).

California is not alone among the states in suffering a severe eco- nomic downturn. The so-called Great Recession (2008–?), in which the state’s unemployment rate rose to record levels,1 only aggravates California’s status as a two-tier society, in which the contrasts between “haves” and “have-nots” are even more noticeable. The springboard for new economic growth has yet to emerge from today’s tough times

TABLE 1.1

California’s Population: Growth Since Statehood

Year Population

1850 92,597 1860 379,994 1870 560,247 1880 864,694 1890 1,213,398 1900 1,485,053 1910 2,377,549 1920 3,426,861 1930 5,677,251 1940 6,907,387 1950 10,586,223 1960 15,717,204 1970 19,971,069 1980 23,667,902 1990 31,400,000 2010 37,253,956

Projected 2020 45,821,900 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, State Department of Finance.

National Impact: Setting Trends for the Country 3

although some experts place hopes on activities such as alternative energy development, public infrastructure construction, and “public– private partnerships” to get people working again.

NATIONAL IMPACT: SETTING TRENDS FOR THE COUNTRY At least in theory, based on the numbers, California remains among the most powerful states in the nation. The U.S. Census has repeat- edly confirmed that California is first in population, and therefore has the most members in Congress. The state has 53 of the 435 members of the House of Representatives and 55 electoral votes, more than a fifth of the 270 necessary to elect a president. Even with the slim possibility of population decline ahead, the state will retain the largest congressio- nal delegation, with Texas (32 seats) and New York (29 seats) far behind. One new element in the mix is the newly drawn Congressional districts (2011) that may result in some senior California congress members losing office in a national system where seniority is power.

Although having the most people should bring California the largest share of federal grants, funds, and contracts, the realities of Washington politics keep Californians sending more dollars to Washington, D.C., than they receive back in funds for state and local services. In 2002, California had over 12 percent of the nation’s population, contributed over 14 percent of total federal taxes, and received back 11 percent of federal dollars sent to states and localities.2

POVERTY RATES IN CALIFORNIA AND THE NATION (2002, PERCENTAGES)

California Rest of United States Poor 13.1 11.9

Low income 32.9 30.1

Middle income 51.3 56.7

Affluent 15.8 13.3 Source: Deborah Reed, “Recent Trends in Income and Poverty,” California Counts, Public Policy Institute of California, Vol. 5, No. 3, February 2004, p. 9.

Think Critically: How do you feel about the poor? Who is responsible for helping those living in poverty? What is your role?

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

4 CHAPTER 1 ■ California Politics in Perspective

THE STATE AND ITS PEOPLE: POWER BLOCS IN CONFLICT Like most Americans, Californians are impacted most directly by their state and local political systems. The state determines the grounds for divorce; traffic regulations; public college tuition fees; penalties for drug possession; and qualifications one needs to become a barber, psychologist, or lawyer. It establishes the amount of unemployment compensation, the location of highways, the subjects to be taught in school, and the rates to be charged by telephone, gas, and electric companies. Along with the local governments under its control, it regulates building construction, provides police and fire protection, and spends about 15 percent of the total value of goods and services produced by California residents.

The policy decisions made in these and other areas are influenced by the distribution of political power among various groups with competing needs and aspirations. Some of the power blocs reflect the same conflicts of interest that the nation experiences: labor vs. business; landlords vs. tenants; and environmentalists vs. oil companies. But, as in so many things, these battles are fought on a grander scale in California. With its incredibly complex array of local governments, including over 3,400 special districts to provide everything from street lights to flood control, California’s political system almost defies understanding. No wonder that voters have shown their overall mistrust of elected officials and turned to ballot initiatives to make new laws and even to amend the state constitution.

These ballot initiatives, or propositions, deal with everything from juvenile crime to educational policy, from Indian gaming rights to the ever-present insurance industry issues. While political experts despise the use of initiatives to set public policy, ballot measures are big business. Virtually all propositions are placed on the ballot by special-interest groups, either organizations or wealthy individuals. Profitable petition- gathering companies charge several dollars per signature to get issues on the ballot. The outcome of these initiative battles usually depends on such factors as money, media, and the public mood.

THE STATE AND THE FEDERAL SYSTEM: A COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP Like the other states, California is part of the American federal system. Federalism distributes power to both the national and state govern- ments, thereby creating a system of dual citizenship and authority. It is a complex arrangement designed to assure the unity of the country while at the same time permitting the states to reflect the diversity of their people and economies. Although national and state authorities overlap in such areas as taxation and highway construction (examples of so-called concurrent powers), each level of government also has its own policy

The State and the Federal System: A Complex Relationship 5

domain. The U.S. Constitution gives the national government its powers, including such areas as immigration law, interstate commerce, foreign policy, national defense, and international relations. The states are permitted to do anything that is not prohibited or that the Constitution does not assign to the national government. Serious conflicts may occur when states challenge federal laws, such as California’s medical marijuana law, which voters approved through initiative (Proposition 215, 1996). The gap between federal drug enforcement and California’s more relaxed approach to marijuana use has yet to be resolved.

Within each state, the distribution of powers is unitary. This means that the cities, counties, and other units of local government get their authority from the state. States and their local bodies generally focus their powers on such services as education, public safety, and health and welfare.

Just as California has a mighty impact on the country as a whole, the national government exerts influence on the state. Federal funds often come with strings attached. For example, federal highway funds require specific safety laws, including seatbelt regulations, and even mandate the age at which individuals may purchase alcohol. In the San Joaquin Valley, California’s enormous agricultural center, federal water policies have led to vast croplands going dry, creating “dustbowls” and high unemployment where crops once grew.3

In other cases, federal policy fuels the state’s economy. For nearly 50 years, between World War II and the end of the Cold War, California’s private defense industry relied heavily on federal contracts to create a thriving military-based economy. Major corporations, such as Lockheed, Hughes, and Rockwell, enjoyed high profits and provided well- paying, secure jobs to engineers, managers, secretaries, and assembly-line workers. When the Cold War ended in 1989, this entire military contract system was suddenly downsized and many military bases closed, leaving a huge hole in the California economy. Federal stimulus money under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 held off some of the impacts of the severe recession, but those federal dollars will not continue indefinitely. California continues to seek other sources of economic growth, involving both public and private investment in computer software development, entertainment, tourism, public trans- portation, and biotechnology, including stem cell research (encouraged by a voter-approved bond measure in 2004).

While relations between the federal government and each state are complex and significant, the relations between states are also important. The U.S. Constitution requires every state to honor the laws of every other state, so that marriages and other contracts made in one state are respected in all states and criminals trying to escape justice cannot find safe haven by leaving the state in which they have been convicted.

Federalism’s distribution of powers permits states to enact their diverse policy preferences into law on such matters as gambling, prostitution, trash disposal, and wilderness protection, and thus encourages experiments that

6 CHAPTER 1 ■ California Politics in Perspective

POPULATION GROWTH: HOW TO FACE THE FUTURE

Viewpoint: We must prepare California for the future by building roads, schools, water systems, and all the infrastructure for the projected future population.

– Immigration rates and birth rates will continue to increase, and the state must be able to provide for the people of the future.

– If we don’t prepare now, future Californians will suffer from inadequate housing, heavy traffic, crowded schools, and a reduced quality of life.

– No walls, fences, or immigration agents will be able to keep out people whose alternative is to stay in their country living in poverty.

– People will risk everything for a better life, so we should adapt our laws and infrastructure to accept their presence.

– The labor of immigrants will be needed in the future.

Viewpoint: We must reduce population growth by tightening federal immi- gration laws and finding a way to keep people from coming to California.

– California cannot sustain the people it has, and cannot absorb more.

– California’s congressional delegation and voters must insist on a tighter border using the latest technology to prevent illegal immigration.

– Developed nations cannot continue to absorb the world’s poor; we must find ways for less developed nations to advance their own economies so that their people can stay home.

Ask Yourself: How do today’s decisions impact the future quality of life in California?

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

may spread to other states. California has often served as the trial run on new political ideas that later spread to other states. Conservative themes such as tax revolts, anti-immigration sentiments, and the backlash against affirmative action all began as successful ballot propositions in California, while liberal ideas such as legalization of marijuana for medical purposes and government-provided health care for all also have become ballot battles.

Because federalism allows states great autonomy, and because California has developed a complex web of local governments, the average California voter must make numerous decisions at election time. Each Californian, whether or not a U.S. citizen, lives in a number of election jurisdictions, including a congressional district, a state Senate district, an Assembly district, and a county supervisorial district, plus (in most cases) a city, a school district, and a community college district. (See Figure 1.1

The State and the Federal System: A Complex Relationship 7

Partisan Offices

National Level Elected by Term Election Year President Entire state 4 years Years divisible by four U.S. Senators Entire state 6 years Every six years counting from 1992 Every six years counting from 1994 Members of Districts 2 years Even-numbered years Congress

State Level Governor1

Lt. Governor1

Secretary of State1 Entire state 4 years Even-numbered years when there is no presidential election Controller1

Treasurer1

Attorney General1

Insurance Commissioner

Members of Board of Equalization1 Districts 4 years Same as governor State Senators1 Districts 4 years Same as governor for even-numbered districts Same as president for odd-numbered districts Assembly members2 Districts 2 years Even-numbered years

Nonpartisan Offices

State Level Superintendent of Public Instruction Entire state 4 years Same as governor Supreme Court justices Entire state 12 years Same as governor Court of Appeal justices Entire state 12 years Same as governor Superior Court judges Counties 6 years Even-numbered years

1Limited to two terms by Proposition 140 2Limited to three terms by Proposition 140

FIGURE 1.1 Federal and State Officials Elected by California Voters Source: League of Women Voters.

8 CHAPTER 1 ■ California Politics in Perspective

for the officials elected by California voters.) This array of political jurisdictions provides many opportunities to exercise democracy. It also creates confusion, overlaps, and many occasions on which voters feel unable to fully evaluate the qualifications of candidates or the merits of ballot propositions.

Other problems linked to federalism include outdated state boundar- ies that have created some “superstates,” with land masses and popula- tions that may be ungovernable, and differences in resources between states. California’s large territory could theoretically include two or three states. Meanwhile, variations in states’ resources perpetuate inequality in schools, public hospitals, and other government facilities at a time when the nation as a whole is concerned about how to provide these services. The federal system also promotes rivalry between states as they compete to attract new businesses (and jobs) or keep existing ones. Among the tactics used in this struggle are tax breaks, reduced worker compensation, and relaxed environmental protection standards. Even Hollywood, the historic center of the entertainment industry, is suffer- ing from runaway production, meaning the decisions to produce films, television shows, and commercials in places where costs are lower. On the larger international scale, thanks to globalization, products such as automobiles, clothing, and many other goods are increasingly manufac- tured abroad, because cheap labor and international treaties combine to create inexpensive products thus reducing domestic job opportunities. California is still a player; but without the long-term planning necessary to promote a productive economy, it remains unclear whether the state can regain some of its former successes.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. What are some of the pros and cons of life in California? Do these depend in part on whether you live in a rural or an urban area?

2. What are some of the challenges facing our state? What can elected officials do to resolve these challenges? How do you fit into the challenges facing our state?

3. Take a class survey. How many students were born in California? How many are immigrants, either from another state or another nation? Team up so that an “immigrant” is paired with a “native” Californian. Teams or pairs can discuss the different experiences of those born here versus those who immigrated.

Endnotes 9

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

California State Home Page ca.gov Portal to California’s Government, Tourism, Economy, etc.

Center for California Studies csus.edu/calst/index.html California State University Sacramento’s research institute covers politics and more.

Public Policy Institute of California ppic.org A nonprofit, nonpartisan independent research institute with a focus on economic issues.

Berkeley in the Sixties, Mark Kitchell, 1990 Documentary depicts Free Speech Movement during the 1960s at UC Berkeley and what happened to the student activists over the next two decades. Some of those student leaders ended up in the state legislature later in life.

El Norte, Gregory Nava, 1983 Guatemalans flee their country’s war by going north to California without documents (illegally). Gives a sense of what people are willing to endure in order to get to a better life in California.

ENDNOTES

1. Richard Walker and Ashok Bhardan, “California, Pivot of the Great Recession,” UC Berkeley Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, March 2010. http://metrostudies.berkeley.edu/pubs/reports/Walker_93.pdf.

2. Just the Facts: California’s Tax Burden, Public Policy Institute of California, June 2003.

3. Sonia Verma, “How Green Was My Valley: California’s Drought,” July 25, 2009. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/how-green-was-my- valley-californias-drought/article1230646/.

10

CHAPTER TWO

The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture

If they can’t do it in California, it can’t be done anywhere. —Taylor Caldwell, author

The political process in California, as in other states, is conditioned by many geographic, demographic, and cultural influences. Whereas geography changes only slowly, population shifts and cultural influences can rather suddenly add new and unpredictable threads to the complex web that forms the state’s identity and future prospects.

GEOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES: WHERE ARE WE? With an area of 156,000 square miles, California is larger than Italy, Japan, or England and is the third largest state in the United States, following Alaska and Texas. It is shaped like a gigantic stocking, with a length more than twice its width. If California were superimposed on the East Coast, it would cover six states, from Florida to New York.1 Despite all the land available, the state’s primary urban development has been coastal, with the Bay Area and the Los Angeles Basin as the first areas of growth. More recently, the “Inland Empire” (San Bernardino and Riverside counties) and the San Joaquin Valley have experienced growth, leading to the term “the Third California,” although the huge number of home foreclosures and the high unemployment in these areas may ultimately impact growth predictions.2

While California’s size has contributed to its political dynamics, its location is equally important. As the leading state on what is called the Pacific Rim (those states bordering the Pacific Ocean and facing the Far East), California is the nation’s number one exporter. California is also one of only 15 states that border a foreign nation. In part as a result of its prox- imity to Mexico, Californians of Mexican descent have become the largest ethnic group in the state, one that includes both first- generation Mexican

Demographic Influences: Who Are We? 11

immigrants and “Chicanos,” whose parents or ancestors originally came from that country. Nearly half of California’s immigrants in recent years have come from Mexico,3 and as of the 2010 census, California had the largest Hispanic (from all nationalities) population of any state (14 million).4

Two other geographic influences command attention: rich natu- ral resources and spectacularly beautiful terrain. Between the majestic Sierra Nevada range along the eastern border and the Coastal Mountains on the west lies the Central Valley—one of the richest agricultural regions in the world. For generations, Central Valley farmers have used water supplies brought from the northern section of the state via the California Aqueduct, making California the nation’s leader in farm out- put, including the underground crop, marijuana (which is often grown on California’s “lost coast” in the northwest of the state).5 However, unpredictable water supplies (after a long drought, the state recently celebrated adequate water, at least for a while) make water distribu- tion a fierce battleground, pitting north versus south, rural versus urban areas, and environmentalists versus farmers.6 Over 40 percent of the state is forested, and this magnificent resource creates tension between those who want to protect forests and those who want to sustain some form of lumber industry, and, in one particular region, those who want Sonoma wine-grapes grown on those same lands.7 California has plenti- ful oil, some of which lies off the 1,000-mile-long coast in locations that have been protected for decades from drilling, although efforts to restart offshore drilling in Santa Barbara were recently renewed and defeated in the state legislature.8

Although agriculture, timber, and oil remain economically impor- tant as well as environmentally controversial, another natural resource has become the subject of continual political debate over how much to exploit it: California’s landscape. Ranging across arid deserts, a 1,000-mile shoreline, and remote mountain wilderness, the terrain itself is a con- tinuing battlefield between conservationists and commercial recreation developers, with the state’s need for tourism competing with the preserva- tion approach. Much of California is owned by the public; the state boasts 43 national parks, forests, recreation areas, and monuments, plus its own vast acreage of public lands, including 270 state parks and beaches, some of which are now closed or operated by private vendors due to state budget cuts.9 Although California includes vast undeveloped lands, Californians are a largely urban people, with over 80 percent living in cities.10

DEMOGRAPHIC INFLUENCES: WHO ARE WE? With rare, short-term exceptions, modern California has a consistent pattern of population growth. Although recent economic slowdowns push more people to leave the state to find work or less expensive places

12 CHAPTER 2 ■ The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture

to live, the total number of Californians continues to increase as a result of birth rates (49 percent of population growth), domestic immigration (11 percent), and international immigration (40 percent of total growth).11 Californians over 65 years old will comprise almost 20 percent of the total population,12 with vast implications for health care and other services needed by seniors. Long-term predictions suggest that the state will have nearly 47 million people by the year 2025, creating enormous challenges regarding housing, education, health care, transportation, water supplies, and environmental quality. Demographers still predict that California will likely remain the most populous state, with over 12 percent of the nation’s people, and with a Latino majority by 2016.13 All population data are questionable, however, because some people unfortunately refuse to participate in the U.S. Census, and the Census Bureau acknowledges its own struggles to accurately count Californians.14

California also continues to be the most diverse state, with residents from virtually every nation and ethnic group on the planet. There is

ASSIMILATION VS. DIVERSITY

Viewpoint: Immigrants should learn American customs, learn English, and adopt our ways of life quickly and thoroughly.

– Social harmony and basic daily communication suffer when people live in ethnic enclaves and speak only their original language.

– The costs to government and society of offering bilingual education, multilingual election materials, court interpreters, etc., should be eliminated and the money used for other needs.

– People who remain isolated in ethnic communities are more likely to be victims of crime because they lack knowledge of our laws and customs.

Viewpoint: Immigrants should retain their languages, their culture, and customs no matter how long they live in California.

– California’s rich culture is enhanced by the huge variety of languages, events, and traditions that exist here.

– People can retain their language and customs and still learn English, becoming multicultural.

– A “monotone” society of one huge blended culture would reduce economic and social options for all.

Ask Yourself: In your community, what is the current balance of diversity and assimilation? How do you feel about it? Why?

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

Demographic Influences: Who Are We? 13

no “majority” group, and California has more people who identify themselves as “multiracial” than any other state.15 (Figure 2.1 breaks down the workforce by ethnic group.) About 25 percent of Californians were born in other nations, with the top three “sending nations” being Mexico, the Philippines, and Vietnam.16 California has more undoc- umented immigrants (2.7 million) than any other state, but more recently, the recession itself has reduced illegal immigration, as the word gets out that there are fewer jobs for the low-skilled.17 Ongoing international immigration adds to the state’s socioeconomic gaps, since even two- parent working immigrant families are often living at poverty level, giving California the nation’s highest poverty rates.18 Immigrant communities (and even many individual families) are a complex combi- nation of undocumented immigrants, legal residents, political refugees, and foreign-born naturalized U.S. citizens. Many immigrants spend years in paperwork as they wait for the federal Bureau of Citizenship and Immigration Services (formerly known as the Immigration and Naturalization Service) to process their applications and move them from refugee status to legal resident, or from resident to citizen status. Both legal and illegal immigrants who are not citizens make up nearly 20 percent of Californians, none of whom can vote, yet all of whom are affected by electoral decisions.19 During the transition years, assimila- tion takes place to varying degrees, as individuals decide whether to learn English, how much education to seek, and how much to “Americanize” their customs.

Whether they are citizens or residents, concentrations of immigrant ethnic groups have already altered the social and political landscape

0 10 20 30 40 50 60%

Black

Asian and Other

Hispanic

White

1990 Total Pop. = 14.9 mil.

2010 Total Pop. = 20.8 mil.

44.9%

59.8%

33.5%

23.6%

16.3%

10.1%

6.4%

5.3%

FIGURE 2.1 California Labor Force by Ethnic Group, 1990–2010: Percentage of Labor Force Population Source: Center for Continuing Study of the California Economy.

14 CHAPTER 2 ■ The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture

in many California communities. Out of choice or necessity, ethnic enclaves develop wherever a group puts down roots, their presence reflected in the language of storefront signs, distinctive architecture, and types of food available. Daly City is called “Little Manila,” and Fresno is home to 30,000 Hmong, members of a Laotian hill tribe. Sacramento has a large Slavic community; Stockton has 35,000 refugees from several areas of Indochina; Glendale has a substantial concentration of Armenians; Westminster, in Orange County, has a section known as “Little Saigon”; and Monterey Park, the first city in the continental United States with an Asian majority,20 is 56 percent Chinese. One-fourth of the children in California’s public schools are considered “English learners,” with some large school districts serving as many as 80 language groups.21

During recessions, when job losses and related fears of the future create anxiety, negativity against immigrants sometimes rises, and both immigrants and American-born ethnic minorities may become victims of harassment or prejudice. Because people often judge others based on appearance, American-born Latinos and Asians may be subject to  prejudices and discrimination based on either ethnic stereotypes or anti-immigrant attitudes. Meanwhile, African Americans, the third largest ethnic minority group, continue to see their numbers decline in proportion to the fast-growing Latino and Asian communities, with resulting concerns about how blacks can compete successfully for educational, economic, and political opportunities while other ethnic groups begin to dominate numerically.

Population diversity, of course, embraces far more than ethnicity. Collectively, Californians seem to embody virtually the whole range of religious beliefs, including 21 percent who belong to no religion. California, being 36 percent Protestant, 31 percent Roman Catholic, 3 percent Jewish, and 9 percent “other,” has no “majority religion.” Like many Americans, a large number of Californians refer to themselves as “spiritual” rather than religious, and one-third of Californians seldom or never enter a house of worship.22

Another of California’s diverse groupings is the gay community, whose desire for the right to marry has created enormous political battles, including the continuing political fallout over Proposition 8  (November 2008). Nearly 60 percent of Californians state that “homosexuality should be accepted,” yet just over half voted to ban gay marriage. Other issues include the rights of gay or lesbian couples to adopt children, and the general recognition of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender (GLBT) individuals. Gay bashing, a form of violent hos- tility (and a hate crime), in which an individual is attacked for his or her perceived sexual orientation, brings tragic consequences and outrage. Though still a distinct minority, the seven-member GLBT caucus of the state legislature includes legislators who are openly homosexual and who unite to represent this portion of the population.

California’s Political Culture: How We Think 15

CALIFORNIA’S POLITICAL CULTURE: HOW WE THINK Each state has a distinctive political style that is shaped not only by its geography and population characteristics but also by the values and attitudes shared by most of its people. These elements constitute what is sometimes called the political culture. In a state so diverse, there are multiple worlds, subcultures for everything from religious communi- ties and ethnic groups to organizations bonded by their love of antique cars, native plants, folk dancing, or a myriad of other personal interests. Increasingly, these divergent groups do not share any political or social framework from which to make coherent public policy choices.

In terms of socioeconomic differences, California is more of a two-tier state than some others. In fact, California is multitiered, with huge gaps between those at the top and those at the bottom of the income levels. During both economic growth periods and declines, the major cause of vast inequalities in household incomes is the increasing gap between private corporate salaries and the low-wage working poor. The incomes of the wealthiest 5 percent of families increased by 50 percent between the late 1970s and late 1990s, while the poorest fifth of the state’s families lost 5 percent of their income during the same period.23 Middle-income families have been seriously damaged by the current recession, with home foreclosures, layoffs, and bankruptcies creating downward mobility for thousands of Californians.

Unlike the highest income earners, Californians of modest or low incomes are challenged by the high cost of housing,24 inadequate health care for the one-fifth of Californians who are uninsured, and the increas- ing cost of public higher education opportunities. Decisions made by Sacramento have led to enormous increases in the cost of tuition at the University of California, California State University, and public com- munity colleges (Figure 2.2), while public health-care options have also been severely reduced by the state. Policy experts warn that if California cannot educate its future workforce adequately, the state’s economic strengths will be seriously undermined.25

With all the economic and social difficulties they face, it’s no surprise that Californians may use their votes to show serious frus- tration with their political leaders. In 2003, voters used the recall process to remove Governor Gray Davis and replace him with Arnold Schwarzenegger. Then in both 2005 and 2009, voters defeated an array of ballot measures promoted by Governor Schwarzenegger as his solutions for the state. California’s electorate continues to be mostly white, older, and more affluent, even though the population of the state is diverse, young, and of moderate or low income. Even with a large push for “vote by mail,” in which people vote by mailing in their ballots before election day, and with some counties experimenting with

16 CHAPTER 2 ■ The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture

60%

50%

18.7%

25.0%

15.9%

20.0%

21.1%

12.8%

20.7% 20.8%

14.6%

9.5%

22.2%

17.7%

9.4%

22.8%

19.1%

9.1%

25.0%

11.4%

5.1%

19.9%

12.1%

40%

30%

20%

10%

0%

2005

Bay Area San Diego Santa Barbara Monterey Bay Region

Southern California Sacramento Area San Joaquin Valley

2005 2005

High School Bachelor Graduate/Professional

2005 2005 2005 2005

FIGURE 2.2 Educational Attainment Source: Share of Population by Highest Level of Education 2005.

touch-screen voting, potential voters too often ignore their opportunity to determine electoral outcomes.

Although not all eligible citizens bother to vote, the recognition of government’s power motivates many Californians to form political asso- ciations to represent their views. Because of the ethnic, socioeconomic, and cultural diversity of the state, California is home to a wide variety of political organizations. The ideologies behind many of the organizations can be simplistically summarized by the traditional labels of American politics: conservative and liberal. The conservative side of California politics is torn between those who support maximum freedom for both business and individuals and those who like free enterprise but prefer government to regulate personal behavior such as sexuality and abortion. These uneasy partners form the basis of the California Republican Party, and their areas of agreement are primarily linked to limiting taxes and decreasing government activities through privatization. Moderate Republicans, especially women, often feel conflicted between their beliefs in smaller government and lower taxes and their desire for the right to abortion. Republicans running for governor may win a primary by being a strict conservative, but in the general election, Republicans rarely win unless they are pro-choice and pro-gay rights.

On the other side of the political spectrum, the liberal move- ment in California has deep roots, holding firm to a belief in the value of government as a mechanism to improve people’s lives. Liberals generally advocate positions which favor a woman’s right to control her reproductive future; full gay rights, including gay marriage; and support

Enjoying Media 17

for labor unions and universal health care. Being too liberal is prob- ably just as bad for a California politician as being too conservative; the voters statewide trend toward the middle. But political labels are only one aspect of California’s complex polity: Many Californians are uninter- ested in traditional political labels and, in the noble American pragmatic tradition, just want to solve problems. At the moment, the Golden State has plenty of problems to face and resolve.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. What is the relationship between California’s geography (size, location, topography, etc.) and its economic and political situation?

2. What are some of the pros and cons of the state’s ethnic diversity? 3. Discuss the issue of social and economic inequality. What problems

are caused by the vast gaps between rich and poor? Are there any advantages to having a two-tier society?

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

U.S. Census Data census.gov Massive amounts of statistics about demographics, population, and trends in society.

SAME-SEX MARRIAGE LAWS

California: For a brief period in 2004, gay marriage was legal in San Francisco, and about 18,000 couples were married. In 2008, voters narrowly passed Proposition 8, which denies homosexual couples the right to marry. The constitutionality of Proposition 8 is still being determined by the federal courts; meanwhile, those married during the brief period that gay marriage was legal are considered married by the state of California.

New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Iowa, and Vermont: Same-sex couples may marry under current law.

Canada: Same-sex marriage has been legal in Canada since 2005.

Think Critically: Why do some people compare same-sex marriage to interracial marriage? What is the history of miscegenation law? Find out which states have passed gay marriage rights into law.

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

18 CHAPTER 2 ■ The Californians: Land, People, and Political Culture

Border Region Information borderecoweb.sdsu.edu California is one of the states that borders Mexico, with many implications for the state’s economy and social issues.

California Research Bureau library.ca.gov Data about California history, genealogy, public policy, and more.

Sideways, Alexander Payne, 2004 Two friends take a trip through California’s southern wine country, the Santa Ynez Valley, and interact with a variety of people. The film gives a taste of the ethnic diversity of California and the natural beauty of the Santa Barbara area.

Crash, Paul Haggis, 2004 Traffic collisions and ethnic clashes express some truths about Los Angeles in this Oscar-winning film. The film leaves you wondering if we can ever learn to get along.

ENDNOTES

1. Los Angeles Times, December 17, 1987, Part 1, p. 3. 2. Joel Kotkin and William Frey, “The Third California,” Los Angeles Times,

January 29, 2006, p. M1. 3. Laura E. Hill and Joseph M. Hayes, “California’s Newest Immigrants,”

California Counts, Public Policy Institute of California, Vol. 5, No. 2, November 2003, p. 1.

4. “United States Bureau of the Census,” California Quick Facts, 2010. http:// quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/06000.html.

5. Jon Gettman, “Marijuana Production in the United States,” 2006. http:// www.drugscience.org/Archive/bcr2/domstprod.html.

6. Ellen Hanak and Jay Lund, “Adapting California’s Water Management to Climate Change,” Public Policy Institute of California, November 2008.

7. Louis Sahagun and P. J. Huffstutter, “A Tale of Grape vs. Redwood,” Los Angeles Times, August 25, 2011, p. A1.

8. John Mann, “Assembly Votes Down Governor’s Offshore Oil Drilling Proposal,” Santa Barbara Noozhawk.com, July 24, 2009. http://www. noozhawk.com/local_news/article/072409_assembly_votes_down_governors_ offshore_drilling_proposal/.

9. “Park Closure List,” California State Park Web site, July 2011. http://www. parks.ca.gov/?page_id=26685.

10. “81% of Californians Live in Cities, State Agency Says,” Los Angeles Times, May 5, 1999, p. A38.

11. California Department of Finance, Population Growth by Types of Sources, 2000–2004, cited in Southern California Association of Governments, The State of the Region 2005, December 2005.

12. Hans P. Johnson, California Population, Public Policy Institute of California, July 2009.

13. Ibid. http://www.ppic.org/content/pubs/report/R_709HJR.pdf.

Endnotes 19

14. Robin Fields, “State Census Sampling Shows Huge Undercount,” Los Angeles Times, December 7, 2002, p. B10.

15. Solomon Moore, “State Leads Nation in Mixed-Race Individuals,” Los Angeles Times, November 29, 2001, p. B8.

16. Hill and Hayes, “California’s Newest Immigrants,” p. 3. 17. Teresa Watanabe, “Illegal Immigration Slows in California,” Los Angeles

Times, April 15, 2009, p. A21. 18. Mary C. Daly, Deborah Reed, and Heather N. Royer, “Population Mobility

and Income Inequality in California,” California Counts, Public Policy Institute of California, Vol. 2, No. 4, May 2001, p. 1.

19. Joaquin Avila, “Political Apartheid in California: Consequences of Excluding a Growing Noncitizen Population,” Latino Policy and Issues Brief, No. 9 (Los Angeles: UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center, December 2003), p. 1.

20. Seth Mydans, “Asian Investors Create a Pocket of Prosperity,” New York Times, October 17, 1994, p. A8.

21. Sonya M. Tafoya, “The Linguistic Landscape of California Schools,” California Counts, Public Policy Institute of California, Vol. 3, No. 4, February 2002, p. 1.

22. “The Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life,” Religious Composition of California, 2008. http://www.pewforum.org/religion08/state.php?StateID=1.

23. David Carroll and Jean Ross, Boom, Bust and Beyond: The State of Working California (Sacramento, CA: California Budget Project, 2003).

24. Steven F. Hayward, “Preserving the American Dream: The Facts about Suburban Communities and Housing Choice,” California Building Industry Association/Building Industry Institute, September 1996.

25. Hans Johnson, “Educating California: Choices for the Future,” California 2025 (San Francisco: Public Policy Institute of California, 2009).

20

CHAPTER THREE

California’s Historical Development

The roads that lead to California are long roads. They are journeys, migrations, exiles.

—Mark Arax, journalist

California’s modern history begins with the native population of about 300,000 people in approximately 100 linguistic/cultural “tribelets,” who lived on this land before the Europeans arrived.1 Despite the unique culture of each of the dozens of Native California tribes, very little infor- mation exists regarding the diverse groups that inhabited California during this period. Perhaps that is because these first Californians were nearly exterminated. According to a New York newspaper in 1860, “in [other] States, the Indians have suffered wrongs and cruelties. . . . But history has no parallel to the recent atrocities perpetrated in California. Even the record of Spanish butcheries in Mexico and Peru has nothing so diabolical.”2 The hunter-gatherers of California were soon annihilated to make room for the conquistadores, whose desire for gold led them to murder and rape many of the people they found here.3

THE SPANISH ERA: 1542–1822 In 1542, only 50 years after Columbus first came to the “New” World, Spain claimed California as a result of a voyage by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. More than two centuries passed, however, before the Spanish established their first colony. It was named San Diego and was founded by an expedition headed by Gaspar de Portola, a military commander, and Junipero Serra, a missionary dedicated to converting the Indians to Roman Catholicism. Between 1769 and 1823, the Spanish conquerors built 22 missions from San Diego to Sonoma, each with its own military

Americanization and Statehood: 1848–1850 21

post. By the time the missions were completed, most of the Native Californians had been destroyed by overwork, disease, and brutality. Meanwhile, farther south, the mestizo residents of New Spain (primarily what is now Mexico, Central America, and many of the Spanish-speaking South American colonies) were ready to overthrow the Spanish colonial rulers and declare independence.

MEXICAN DOMINANCE: 1821–1848 In 1821, Mexico won independence from Spain. Soon after, the land now called California (as well as the modern states of Utah, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona) officially became part of the new United States of Mexico. Civilian governments were established for the pueblos, or villages, but the distant government in Mexico City still viewed California as a remote and relatively unimportant colony.

American settlers began to arrive in the 1840s, lured by the inviting climate and stories of economic opportunities. Many were filled with the spirit of manifest destiny, a belief that Americans had a mission to control the whole continent. When the United States failed in its attempt to buy California, it used a Texas boundary dispute as an excuse to launch war with Mexico in 1846. The United States declared victory within a year, thus winning the right to purchase at bargain rates enormous lands including California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas, as well as large parts of Utah, Colorado, and Nevada. California came under American military rule, and in 1848 Mexico renounced its claims by signing the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, a document that promised the Mexican population of California that their language and property would be respected under the new government—a prom- ise that was quickly broken. Within a short time, the ranchos of the Californios (people of Mexican descent) were grabbed by immigrants (mostly Anglos), and much of these lands were later granted to the owners of the railroads.4

AMERICANIZATION AND STATEHOOD: 1848–1850 The U.S. military occupation lasted three years while Congress battled over how to manage its vast new territories. The turning point was the discovery of gold in 1848, encouraging “Forty-niners” from all over the world to head to California. By 1849, the population quadrupled, and the settlers adopted the first California constitution. Meanwhile, the U.S. Congress postponed the Civil War through enacting the Compromise of 1850 (which kept a balance of slave and free states) by admitting California as a free state. California became the thirty-first state and the first that did not border an existing state. (Figure 3.1 shows the county boundaries of California today.)

22 CHAPTER 3 ■ California’s Historical Development

Today the legacy of the Spanish and Mexican periods can be found in California’s population itself, as well as in the missions, architecture, and city names. History does not easily erase itself; California’s Spanish/ Mexican roots pervade the culture.

2Sola no

Napa

M arin

Sonoma

Yolo

Sacra- mento

San JoaquinContra

Costa Alameda

San Francisco San Mateo

Yu ba

Ne va

do

Placer

El Dorado

Ama dor

Ca lav

era s

Alpine

Tuolumne

Sta nisl

aus

Merced Santa

Clara

Mar ipos

a

Colusa Lake

Mendocino Glenn Butte Sierra

Plumas Tehama

Trinity

Humboldt

Shasta Lassen

Siskiyou

Del Norte

Modoc

Mono

Inyo

Ma de

ra

San Benito

Fresno

Monterey

Tulare

KernSan Luis Obispo

Santa Barbara

Ventura Los

Angeles

Orange

San Diego Imperial

Riverside

San Bernardino

S utter

S.Cruz

2

Kings

OREGON

ARIZONA

MEXICO

N E

V A

D A

FIGURE 3.1 Map of California Source: Los Angeles County Almanac, 1991.

The Progressive Legacy: 1902–1919 23

CONSOLIDATING POWER: 1850–1902 During its first 50 years of statehood, California grew in both population and diversity. Newcomers from around the world came to seek their fortunes, and some were extraordinarily successful. Others, particularly during economic downturns, began to scapegoat less popular groups and call for their expulsion. Chinese immigrants, brought to this country to build the railroads cheaply, were major targets of overt racism and discrimination during the recession of the 1870s. Despite occasional downturns, the overall economy boomed during the 1880s and 1890s, although the Californios generally became impoverished and forgot- ten as white Americans took charge. The economy shifted from mining to agriculture, and the arrival of the transcontinental railroad brought people from across the nation eager to begin new lives and find a share of California’s richness.

In 1879, the first state constitution was replaced by the one now in effect. In a preview of political events that seem to recur every time the state’s economy sags, the second California constitution was loaded with anti-immigrant provisions (aimed at Asian immigrants), which were later declared invalid as violations of the U.S. Constitution.

THE PROGRESSIVE LEGACY: 1902–1919 The Progressive movement in California, led by Hiram Johnson, arose at the beginning of the twentieth century. Its goal was to reduce the power of corrupt political parties and rich corporations that spent large sums to control politicians. In California, the primary target was the Southern Pacific Railroad, a corporation that owned one-fifth of all nonpublic land in the state. Its major stockholders—Charles Crocker, Leland Stanford, Collis P. Huntington, and Mark Hopkins—were the “Big Four” of state politics. According to their critics, they had bought “the best state legislature that money could buy.”

Despite the power of the Big Four, the Progressives had remark- able success. Child labor laws and conservation policies were adopted. Political parties were weakened by imposing rigid legal controls on their internal organization and prohibiting candidates for city, county, and judicial offices and education boards from mentioning their party affili- ation on the ballot. Today, all of these offices remain nonpartisan, with only names and occupations listed on the ballot.

Possibly the most important legacies left by the Progressives were the direct democracy powers that permit voters to pass laws or amend the state constitution through the ballot box, as well as to recall elected officials from office through a special election. The Progressive reforms of 1911 also brought suffrage to California women, nine years before they won the right to vote in federal elections.

24 CHAPTER 3 ■ California’s Historical Development

THE TWENTIETH CENTURY, CALIFORNIA STYLE In the last century, California experienced many of the same major events as the rest of the nation did: the Roaring Twenties, the Great Depression, and the World War II economic boom. California’s contributions to American history of these periods include the near election of a social- ist governor in 1934 (and the redbaiting campaign to defeat him), the Depression-era migration of hundreds of thousands of people from the Midwest Dust Bowl to the Golden State, and the repatriation of 600,000 U.S. citizens of Mexican descent who were deported from California as official scapegoats for the economic woes of the era.5 During World War II, Japanese Californians were deported to detention “camps,” and their homes and businesses were confiscated as they became the target of wartime scapegoating. When the economy boomed during the Cold War, new arrivals were once again welcomed to help develop the aerospace/ defense industries. Throughout the century, through good and bad times, California’s population continued to grow.

The long period of relative prosperity during the 1950s and 1960s did not touch everyone. When cheap labor was needed in the agricul- tural fields during World War II, for example, Mexican braceros entered the country with temporary work permits but were expelled when their labor was no longer needed.6 People of color experienced discrimination in housing, employment, and education. By the early 1960s, California’s educational system was rocked by the street protests of UC Berkeley students protesting their own lack of free speech on campus as well as the unequal treatment of blacks in Bay Area businesses.7 By the end of the 1960s, California was known as the center of a counterculture of drugs, antiwar sentiment, and sexual experimentation in places like San Francisco’s Haight-Ashbury neighborhood.

CHANGING THE CONSTITUTION

California: Amendments to the state constitution require a majority vote in a statewide election. A proposal for a State Constitutional Convention also requires voter approval.

United States: There are several variations, but U.S. history shows that virtually all amendments to the U.S. Constitution have met the following requirements: a two-third vote of Congress, plus ratification by three-fourths of the state legislatures. (There is no popular vote required.)

Think Critically: Should it be easy or hard to change the basic document of a state or nation? Why do Californians amend their state constitution so frequently?

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

California’s Constitution: A Few Highlights 25

The 1960s, under Governor Pat Brown, also saw immense investment in California’s infrastructure, and the enactment of the Master Plan for Higher Education, which guaranteed a free community college oppor- tunity and two low-cost public university options for all Californians. Nearly 50 years later, many educators believe that the Master Plan has been nearly destroyed by the fee increases at all three levels of public higher education.

During the inflationary period of the 1970s, Californians, enraged by the rapid increases in prices of everything from gasoline to property taxes, voted their frustration by supporting the deep property tax cuts of Proposition 13 (1978). By the 1980s, former California governor Ronald Reagan was president of the United States and the economy again boomed, although the promised “trickle-down” of economic improve- ments to the poor did not occur. In recent years, a lengthy recession has left 12 percent of Californians unemployed, with resulting loss of tax revenue and severe budget cuts in both state and local agencies.

CALIFORNIA’S CONSTITUTION: A FEW HIGHLIGHTS Like the national government, the California political system is char- acterized by a separation of powers, freedom, and democracy. Certain differences, however, deserve attention. Although the separation of pow- ers involves the traditional three branches—legislative, executive, and judicial—each is marked by distinctive state characteristics. For example, the California legislature shares lawmaking authority with the people through the initiative process; the governor’s power is diminished by the popular election of seven other executive officials; and California judges must be approved by voters. The federal system has none of the direct democracy features, nor do federal judges ever appear on the ballot.

Many of the freedoms guaranteed in the state constitution are identical to those protected by the U.S. Constitution. However, the state constitu- tion includes additional rights for its residents. For example, Article I, Section 1, of the California constitution proclaims that “All people are by nature free and independent and have inalienable rights. Among these are enjoying and defending life and liberty, acquiring, possessing, and protecting property, and pursuing and obtaining safety, happiness, and privacy.” Similar references to property acquisition, safety, and privacy do not exist in the U.S. Constitution.

California’s constitution is much easier to amend than the federal Constitution, and it has been amended (and thus lengthened) over 500  times since 1879. The process involves two steps. First, amend- ments may be proposed either by a two-thirds vote in both houses of the legislature or by an initiative petition signed by 8 percent of the number of voters who voted in the last election for governor. Second, the proposed amendment must appear as a proposition on the ballot and must be

26 CHAPTER 3 ■ California’s Historical Development

approved by a simple majority of voters. As a result of the options created by the Progressives, voters can amend the state constitution without any legislative action.

Having a long, complicated state constitution is not the most efficient way to operate a state. Among the many suggestions for future constitutional revisions (via ballot initiatives) are to alter term limits to allow experienced legislators to stay longer, to allow local governments more options to impose taxes, to amend Proposition 13 so that corpo- rate property can be taxed at current values, and to change the actual structure of California’s direct democracy.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. Who were the first Californians? Why and how were they almost totally destroyed by those who came next?

2. What is the most important contribution of the Progressive movement in California? How would the Progressives feel about contemporary California politics?

3. What are some ways that California’s history impacts life today, including culture, politics, ethnic diversity, and immigration?

CONSTITUTIONAL CHANGE: CALIFORNIA VS. THE UNITED STATES

Viewpoint: The U.S. Constitution is better because it requires enormous social and political agreement in order to be amended.

– A document that defines the governing structure of a society should be difficult to change.

– Super-majorities are important in making major changes to ensure real social agreement.

Viewpoint: The California constitution is better because it is easily amended by a vote of the people.

– Change occurs rapidly and should be easily adapted into constitutions.

– California’s direct democracy provides power to the public as the most important voice in changing how our government operates.

Ask Yourself: Do most people know how constitutional change works? Should they? Explain your conclusion.

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

Endnotes 27

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

Californiality Californiality.com Blogging on culture, politics, government, and people of California.

California Historical Society calhist.org The online guide to over 300 years of California history.

California Geographical Survey geogdata.csun.edu Portal to maps of California and surrounding states.

The Mask of Zorro, 1998 A highly fictional action adventure about California’s early days and its struggle to free itself from Spanish colonial rule, aided by the masked crusader. Raises the issues of mythology vs. reality in California’s history.

The Grapes of Wrath, Jon Ford, 1940 The movie adaptation of John Steinbeck’s classic tale of a Midwest family which comes to California during the Great Depression seeking a fresh start. Another illustration of the extraordinary pull of California.

Come See the Paradise, Alan Parker, 1991 A white labor organizer falls in love with a Japanese American girl in Los Angeles as World War II begins and she is sent to an internment camp. A film that helps us understand the personal impacts of the politi- cal panic that created the Japanese internment.

ENDNOTES

1. Sucheng Chan and Spencer C. Olin, Major Problems in California History (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1997), p. 30.

2. Cited by Alexander Cockburn, “Beat the Devil,” The Nation, June 24, 1991, p. 839.

3. Antonia I. Castaneda, “Spanish Violence Against Amerindian Women,” in Adela de la Torre and Beatriz Pasquera, eds., Building with Our Hands: New Directions in Chicano Studies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

4. “Conflicts Over Land in a New State, 1850s–1870s,” in Chan and Olin, eds., Major Problems in California History, pp. 110–135.

5. Gregg Jones, “Reparations Sought for ’30s Expulsion Program,” Los Angeles Times, July 16, 2003, p. B8.

6. Stephanie S. Pincetl, Transforming California: A Political History of Land Use and Development (Baltimore MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1999), p. 174.

7. W. J. Rorabaugh, “Berkeley in the 1960s,” in Chan and Olin, eds., Major Problems in California History, pp. 375–384.

28

CHAPTER FOUR

Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance

California is not so much poor as it is unequal. —Robert Enoch Buck, sociologist

People in California, as everywhere else in a capitalist democracy, must continually reassess choices regarding individual freedom and social justice. Civil liberties, such as freedoms of speech, press, and association (which restrict government powers), may conflict with civil rights, which often require government protections. California’s appellate courts have often been asked to rule on the rights of individuals vs. the rights of the community. Should homeless people be allowed to sleep on public streets, or does their presence create a risk for the community? In Santa Barbara and Laguna Beach, the American Civil Liberties Union has filed cases challenging those cities’ antisleeping ordinances, result- ing in Laguna Beach revoking its policy.1 Should high school students be permitted to wear T-shirts with “offensive” language? And is it okay for a sixth-grade girl to do a class presentation about Harvey Milk, the gay San Francisco Supervisor who was assassinated in 1978? All of these issues have resulted in court decisions; in the case of the sixth grader, after the court acted, she received an apology from the school district for its violation of her freedom of speech.2

FREEDOM AND SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY: JUGGLING BETWEEN EXTREMES In numerous areas where individual freedom (or corporate profits) may conflict with public needs, California’s policies have moved from support- ing maximum personal freedom to placing some limits on that freedom

Freedom and Social Responsibility: Juggling Between Extremes 29

in order to maximize the well-being of the larger society. Antismoking laws, helmet laws for motorcyclists and children on bicycles, and strict regulations for teen drivers all indicate the state’s interest in protecting individuals from each other. In the area of personal privacy (often violated by telemarketers and other businesses), the legislature has struggled to create privacy protections as well to protect Californians from cyber- stalking and identity fraud.3 In the arena of environmental quality, the traditional struggle between public well-being and business profitability fluctuates between cooperative approaches and outright political battles. A cooperative effort between environmentalists and major industries led to the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District’s research regard- ing sources of smog in the Central Valley, with an understanding that all sides would benefit from better air quality.4 In a less collaborative situa- tion, the Los Angeles Regional Water Quality Control Board denied the business community’s appeals about high costs and demanded that all new building developments include plans to collect or filter rainwater so that polluted rainwater would not end up in local beaches.5

FREEDOM VS. LICENSE

Viewpoint: Individuals should be allowed to live their lives with minimal government interference.

– The individual is the most important social actor and should have maximum power over his or her life.

– Government should not be a parent or “nanny” protecting people from their own freedom to choose.

– Laws that require people to wear helmets, use seatbelts, or drive without using a cell phone are all forms of government intrusion in private choices.

Viewpoint: Government should make laws to protect people, including protections they prefer not to have.

– People who don’t adequately protect themselves (wearing helmets, seatbelts) may be injured and cost everyone tax dollars for their medical care.

– People don’t have the right to hurt themselves and possibly others.

– Government must create laws that protect the public as a whole, even if those laws appear as limitations for individuals.

Ask Yourself: Which laws do you consider appropriate government involvement in personal life? Which laws are intrusive and need changing?

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

30 CHAPTER 4 ■ Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance

In another arena of personal rights, California courts have ruled that individual freedom includes the right not to hear a prayer at a public school graduation ceremony. In deference to the vast diversity of religious beliefs among Californians, the state Supreme Court determined that such prayers and invocations are an establishment of religion in violation of the separa- tion of church and state. Despite this ruling, many public schools still offer prayers at football games, graduations, and other tax-sponsored events.

EQUALITY: A CONTINUING CHALLENGE California’s large gaps between wealth and poverty inevitably create vast inequality among individuals. Compounding this socioeconomic inequality, Californians have also been forced to confront a long history of inequality based on racial bigotry. Prejudicial attitudes and discrimi- natory behaviors are older than the state itself. Only 10 percent of the Native Californians survived the Spanish era, and the first governor after statehood called for the extermination of those who remained. When the United States defeated Mexico in 1848, California Mexicans were gradu- ally marginalized, losing much of the political and economic power they once wielded. Soon after, in the period of economic stagnation of the 1870s, the Chinese immigrants who helped build the transcontinental railroads during the 1860s became the targets of serious forms of racism, including lynchings and the “Chinese exclusion” provision of the 1879 state constitution (which attempted to prohibit Chinese from holding many kinds of jobs). The first official apology from the State Legislature to California’s Chinese American community came in 2009.6

In today’s multicultural California, the issues of equity are more complex than ever. (See Figure 4.1 for California’s major population

Black 7%

Black 6%

Black 6%

Asian 12%

Asian 13%

Asian 12%

Latino 31%

Latino 35%

Latino 50%

White 50%

White 46%

White 32%

2000 2010 2040

FIGURE 4.1 Projected Ethnic Breakdown of California’s Population Source: California Department of Finance, 1998.

Equality: A Continuing Challenge 31

groups.) Although Proposition 209 ended all forms of affirmative action in public education and state systems, California is far from the “color- blind” utopia to which opponents of affirmative action aspire. Wage gaps clearly divide whites and Asians from African Americans and Latinos, with whites and Asians generally earning more than African Americans and Latinos, primarily owing to the lower educational attainments of the latter two ethnic groups. (See Figure 4.2.) A vicious cycle in which lack of educational opportunities leads to continuing underemployment can extend from generation to generation.

Perhaps it is the underlying economic as well as the educational gaps that add to racial and ethnic tensions. These prejudices exist not only between whites and various minorities, but among minority groups themselves. In urban school districts, high schools may be home to com- peting ethnic gangs whose rivalry erupts in periodic violence between some combination of Latinos, African Americans, Asians, or Middle Eastern ethnic groups. Inside California’s vast prison system, inmates of different ethnic groups were segregated to avoid racial violence until the U.S. Supreme Court declared this racial separation unconstitutional in 2005.

The conflicts among many of California’s ethnic groups reflect in part the continuing difficulties created by competition for scarce opportunities. When Governor Brown signed the California DREAM Act (2011), which allows undocumented students with strong academic records to access private scholarships for college, protests came from groups who believe that giving such help to the undocumented will shortchange citizens.

American Indian

Pacific Islander

Hispanic Black White Filipino Asian

80

70

60

50

40

30

20

P er

ce n

ta g

e

10

0

Born in California and lived in California in 1995 Born in California Born in any other state

Lived in any other state Lived in California

FIGURE 4.2 Bachelor’s Degree Completion in California and the Rest of the United States, by Race, Ethnicity, and Nativity, Ages 25–29, 2000 Source: Public Policy Institute of California.

32 CHAPTER 4 ■ Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance

And in the world of work, especially during a recession and a tight job market, subtle limitations exist for nonwhite groups. In the highly competitive entertainment industry, despite the handful of well-known blacks and Latinos in the field, membership statistics for both the Writers Guild of America and the Screen Actors Guild indicate the difficulties people of color face in attaining stardom (or even regular work). In a very different industry, a federal judge has ordered both corporate shippers and the longshore union to pay nearly $3 million in damages to hundreds of minorities who failed a biased employment test used to determine who could become a dockworker.7

Additional scarce opportunities for many Californians occur in the area of housing. Due to the mortgage finance collapse of recent years, and the related tsunami of foreclosures, housing costs have declined in most areas, especially in California’s inland regions. However, fewer people are eligible to get loans to purchase a home, so the California dream of home ownership remains elusive (Figure 4.3). There does not appear to be any signs of a recovery in the housing market, and some demogra- phers believe that the increase in senior citizens and decline in younger families will leave home sales in decline until perhaps 2020.8

Housing may also determine educational opportunities, because public school quality varies in different neighborhoods. Education is the key to a lifetime of increased economic opportunity. The combination of underfunded schools, overcrowding in urban areas, and white flight leaves many public school systems with 90 percent nonwhite students, of whom large numbers may need English-language instruction as well

75

70

65

55

50 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004

60P er

ce nt

ag e

California

Rest of U.S.

FIGURE 4.3 Homeownership Rates, 1995–2004 Source: Public Policy Institute of California.

Diversity in Representation: Identity Politics in Action 33

as all the core courses. While the middle class and wealthy may afford private schools, low-income families must utilize local schools or find time and resources to seek magnet or charter school options for their children. The Los Angeles area has the highest number of charter schools (public schools that are exempt from many state and local regulations and are supposedly more creative) in the nation, but success rates for these schools vary enormously. Test scores, graduation rates, college admis- sion data, and other indicators of educational success are almost always lower at underfunded public schools, which are attended predominantly by Latinos and African Americans (typically from low-income families). Figure 4.2 shows Bachelor’s Degree completion rates.

Even if California’s youth have the qualifications to enter universities, or the motivation to attend a public two-year college (where there are no academic admission requirements), huge fee increases at the two public university systems as well as the community colleges make it harder for low-income Californians to achieve higher education. Financial aid is available, but many eligible Californians do not know how to access financial aid services.

DIVERSITY IN REPRESENTATION: IDENTITY POLITICS IN ACTION In a continuing American tradition, when ethnic and immigrant communities grow larger, they begin to fight for their share of politi- cal and economic power. California’s growing ethnic communities have already shifted the demographic pattern: there is no longer any one majority group. By the year 2021, it is predicted that whites will make up about one-third of the population and thus will be a “minor- ity” group, while Latinos, Asians, and blacks together will make up 60 percent (40 percent, 14 percent, and 6 percent, respectively).9 However, this demographic shift does not automatically create an equally rapid shift in political power. Gains for underrepresented groups depend on much more than their population count. Factors that influence access to political power include their rates of voter registration and turnout, their financial ability to support candidates, and their interest in the political process. However, at current levels of voter participation and citizenship among foreign-born immigrants, it is expected that by 2040, whites will represent only 35 percent of voting-age adults but will still be 53 percent of the electorate.10

In addition to the issues of citizenship and participation in voting, another factor in political success is the use of financial resources to support candidates and influence elections. Because average house- hold income is lower in many ethnic communities, they do not have the disposable income to support or recruit their own candidates. Coalitions of ethnic groups, including whites, have emerged as a way

34 CHAPTER 4 ■ Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance

to promote qualified candidates from a variety of ethnic groups. In keeping with their rapidly increasing population numbers, the num- ber of Latino and Asian American elected officials has grown, and in some communities, city council and school board members increas- ingly include immigrant politicians eager to be involved in their new country as elected leaders.11

One interethnic issue facing the growing number of politically active Latinos (and Asians to a lesser degree) is the high numbers of Latinos moving into formerly African American neighborhoods. Formerly black communities now often are numerically dominated by Latinos, partic- ularly immigrant Latinos. Census data suggest that African Americans (like whites) will continue to decline numerically in proportion to the much faster-growing Latino and Asian groups; African American leaders are therefore concerned about maintaining adequate electoral repre- sentation in places like South Los Angeles and Oakland. Some black politicians have made it a point to learn Spanish as a way to improve their connections with their Latino constituents.

Providing better political representation to Latinos through language acquisition is relatively simple because most Latinos have Spanish- language origins, although they may represent 18 different nationalities. In contrast, Asian Americans represent over 30 distinct national and language origins, with the largest populations being Filipino, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese. Because the diversity is so enormous, there will never be precise and proportional representation for every ethnic group. Therefore, elected officials, regardless of their own background, must learn to represent everyone and not appeal to narrow ethnic concerns.

FOREIGN IMMIGRANTS, PERCENTAGE OF TOTAL POPULATION (NOT INCLUDING UNDOCUMENTED IMMIGRANTS)

California: 28 percent

New York: 20 percent

Florida: 18 percent

Texas: 15 percent

Source: Steven A. Camarota, Immigrants at Mid-Decade, Center for Immigration Studies, December 2005, http://www.cis.org/articles/2005/back1405.html

Think Critically: How is California impacted by having over one-fourth of its people born in other nations? What are the positive and negative outcomes?

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

Sexual Politics: Slow Change for the Underrepresented 35

In addition to the largest ethnic and racial groups, small but active minority communities are working toward gaining a greater share of political power. Armenian Californians have seen a governor from their heritage elected, while California’s growing Islamic population seeks better access to the political process, especially since negative stereo- typing and hate crimes have created real fears among some Muslim communities. Native Californians, who compose over 120 tribal groups, have focused their political attention and substantial campaign contribu- tions on issues relating to economic development on tribal land (with a heavy emphasis on building casinos) and protection of their culture. With the state’s social diversity likely to continue, political leadership in the twenty-first century will be a rainbow of cultures, all of which might retain their unique identities while also working to represent all Californians.

SEXUAL POLITICS: SLOW CHANGE FOR THE UNDERREPRESENTED Women have made slow progress since the Women’s Liberation move- ment of the 1960s raised concerns about women’s equality and access to power. Although women account for 51 percent of the population, they are nowhere near holding half of the legislative seats, executive posi- tions, judgeships, or local posts available. In one unusual exception, the state Supreme Court now has four (out of seven) women. However, the number of women in the state legislature has dropped since a peak in the 1990s, and many cities have all-male or nearly all-male city coun- cils. Meanwhile, at the nonelected level, thousands of women who are state employees in agencies ranging from the Department of Motor Vehicles to the Employment Development Department earn only about three-fourths as much as men doing the same jobs.12 In one unfortunate measure of parity, the number of women has increased in the state prison system, almost doubling since 1990.13

California was the first state to elect two women to the U.S. Senate, Barbara Boxer and Dianne Feinstein, and the home of the first woman Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi (D, San Francisco). They are joined in Washington, D.C., by 18 other women in the House of Representatives. Since there are currently no term limits for federal officials, the women in Congress may remain in office for many years. The only challenge for most of them (and for all their male colleagues) is to get reelected from a newly designed district developed under the Citizens Redistricting Commission which was created by the Voters First Act (Proposition 11-2008).

One often invisible and certainly underrepresented minority group (made up of individuals of all ethnicities) is the gay and lesbian community. At one time, openly gay politicians were rare outside of San Francisco or  West Hollywood, both magnets for the homosexual population.

36 CHAPTER 4 ■ Freedom and Equality: California’s Delicate Balance

Now the state legislature has seven men and women in its Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender (GLBT) caucus, including Assembly Speaker John Perez, and numerous local governments have gay and lesbian elected officials. As more gays come out of the closet and become politically active, their clout will no doubt increase. However, the gay community has partisan differences, with gay Republicans fighting hard for respect in their party and gay Democrats emphasizing the supportiveness of their party’s policies.

California’s record of electing politicians with diverse backgrounds is certainly better than that of many other states. But perhaps it is inevitable that California will take the lead, since the demographic pattern of increasing diversity is unlikely to change, and trends suggest that the nation will gradually become more like California.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. Discuss some areas where individual freedom (or free enterprise) may conflict with social needs. What is your position on these issues?

2. In what arenas are ethnic minorities underrepresented? Why do these patterns persist even though California has no majority group?

3. What can be done to balance the needs of diverse ethnic groups with the needs of California as a whole?

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

Chicano/Latino Net clnet.ucr.edu The portal to networking in the Chicano/Chicana networks of California higher education including employment opportunities and cultural events.

University of California universityofcalifornia.edu The portal to the ten campuses of the University of California, the state’s world renowned system of higher education.

California State University calstate.edu The portal to the California State University system’s 23 campuses. These are the universities that train most of California’s teachers, nurses, and many other professionals.

Multicultural Education library.csustan.edu/lboyer/ multicultural/main.htm

An introduction to the resources on the Web concerning multicultural education and diversity.

Endnotes 37

Spanglish, James L. Brooks, 2004 Comedy-drama about the cultural divide that occurs when a Mexican immigrant becomes housekeeper to a wealthy Jewish family in Malibu. A poignant illustration of the gaps between the haves and have-nots in California, and how human interactions can make a difference.

Grand Canyon, Lawrence Kasdan, 1991 A film about six diverse people living in Los Angeles during the 1990s. Shows the unlikely friendship of two men from different races and classes brought together when one finds himself in jeopardy in the other’s rough neighborhood.

ENDNOTES

1. ACLU/SC Sues Upscale Coastal Resort for Treating Disabled Homeless People as Outlaws, March 6, 2009. http://www.aclu.org/disability/ housing/38993prs20090306.html.

2. California School Apologizes for Illegally Banning Sixth Grader’s Presentation on Harvey Milk, June 9, 2009. http://www.aclu.org/lgbt/ youth/39803prs20090609.html.

3. “California Laws 1999,” Los Angeles Times, January 1, 1999, p. A3. 4. Eric Bailey, “Central Valley Looking for Ways to Fight Air Pollution,” Los

Angeles Times, June 6, 2000, p. A3. 5. Joe Mozingo, “Officials Seek to Ease Fears on Plan to Curb Storm Runoff,”

Los Angeles Times, June 9, 2000, p. B3. 6. Jessie Mangaliman, “California Apologizes for Ill Treatment, Persecution of

Chinese Immigrants,” San Jose Mercury News, July 21, 2009. http://www. mercurynews.com/ci_12886337.

7. Dan Weikel, “$2.75 Million Ordered Paid to Minorities in Dockworker Case,” Los Angeles Times, June 10, 2000, p. B1.

8. Dowell Myers and SungHo Ryu, “Aging Baby Boomers and the Generational Housing Bubble: Foresight and Mitigation of an Epic Transition,” Journal of the American Planning Association, Vol. 74, No. 1, 2008. http://www. t andfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01944360701802006.

9. Armando Acuna, “Changes in State’s Ethnic Balance Are Accelerating,” Los Angeles Times, October 20, 1999, p. A3.

10. Jack Citrin and Benjamin Highton, “When the Sleeping Giant Is Awake,” California Journal, Vol. 33, December 2002, p. 44.

11. Teresa Watanabe, “Chinese Take to U.S. Politics,” Los Angeles Times, April 8, 2003, p. B1.

12. “State’s Female Workers Paid Less than Men, Study Finds,” Los Angeles Times, April 25, 1996, p. A21.

13. Jennifer Warren, “Plan Puts Female Inmates in Centers by Their Families,” Los Angeles Times, February 11, 2006, p. A1.

38

CHAPTER FIVE

Media Influences and Interest Groups

California is the Wild, Wild West for influence- peddling greased by campaign cash, self-dealing and insider connections.

—Jamie Court, President, Foundation for Taxpayer and Consumer Rights

In a democratic system, the attitudes of the public should be a primary basis for political decision making. These political attitudes are demonstrated in election results, public opinion polls, and in the inbox of every politician receiving input from constituents. Political views are influenced by numerous factors, including families, friends, religious institutions, schools, life experiences, and the activities of interest groups. But perhaps the greatest influence is the mass media, which bombards us with input on a daily basis. Modern media is fragmented into hundreds of thousands of elements: broadcast media now include hundreds of television channels and radio stations as well as thousands of Web sites, blogs, tweets, text messages, and other rapid-fire sources of information, all with varying degrees of validity. Add to this the more traditional print media, newspapers and magazines, and the variety of sources of information can become overwhelming. Finding accurate, useful information about California’s political process is indeed a challenge.

THE MASS MEDIA: A MASSIVE INFLUENCE Perhaps nothing better illustrates the power of the media to influence politics than the election of political newcomer Arnold Schwarzenegger as governor of California. Although he had no experience in office, his years starring as “the Terminator,” who could solve problems with brute

Economic Interest Groups: Pressure Where It Counts 39

strength, apparently gave many California voters a sense of confidence in his political problem-solving ability. Entertainment merged with news coverage as the Schwarzenegger campaign caravan rolled through the state during the recall of 2003.

Fascination with “Arnold” created a brief media focus on state politics, but the broadcast media soon returned to its habits of occasional coverage of our state capitol. Most traditional broadcast media (television and radio) focus on national and international news, or churn out coverage of “news lite” stories of crime, freeway chases, and natural disasters. Ever-creative politicians have quickly adapted to the lack of news cover- age of their activities by developing their own Web sites, blogs, e-mail blasts, tweets, and any form of media they think will enhance their image and future electability.

Image making is an expensive and essential business in California. The 2010 state election (Jerry Brown vs. Meg Whitman) broke all previous records for candidate spending, and no candidate for any office is considered serious by media or voters unless he or she has sufficient financial resources to run. Campaign funds are spent on various forms of communication, including all forms of media, plus “robocalls,” text messages, e-mails, and even person-to-person precinct walks, all of which are coordinated by high-cost campaign consultants. The larger the electoral district, the less likely a campaign will include any personal contact but rather will depend on direct mail and mass media advertising. Critics charge that political information conveyed by the media emphasizes personality factors, attacks, and scandals rather than significant policy issues, but despite “peace pledges” and other gimmicks, most candidates eventually use negative campaigning to attract voter attention.

ECONOMIC INTEREST GROUPS: PRESSURE WHERE IT COUNTS Organized interest groups—also known as lobbies—are also important in shaping public opinion and have been unusually influential in California politics. These groups often spend money through their political action committees (PACs), which collect money from their members to spend on campaign contributions. In addition to official campaign contributions, organizations may also spend money on behalf of candidates or ballot measures that are known as independent expenditures and may also involve hundreds of millions of dollars. In addition to financial support, interest groups aid individual candidates by providing them with publicity and campaign workers. The most powerful groups are usually those with the most financial resources, including the majority of business interests and some of the larger unions, such as those for public school teachers and state prison guards. When a group supports a successful candidate, it gains better access to that politician than most other individuals ever have.

40 CHAPTER 5 ■ Media Influences and Interest Groups

Interest groups generally avoid direct affiliation with any political party, preferring instead to work with whichever politician is in office. Business groups usually prefer to help elect Republicans, whereas labor groups prefer Democrats. The influence of various interest groups is indicated, in part, by their wealth and the number of people who belong to or are employed by their organizations. Nearly all of California’s most profitable corporations, including oil companies, insurance giants, utilities, banks, and telecommunications companies, are linked together in pressure groups such as the California Manufacturers and Technology Association, the Western States Petroleum Association, and  the California Cable and Telecommunications Association.1 Other major private-sector players in the lobbying game are the California Nations Indian Gaming Association, the California Association of Realtors, the California Medical Association, the Trial Lawyers Association, and the Agricultural Producers. The California Teachers Association, the California Correctional Peace Officers Association, the California State Employees Association, the California Labor Federation, and many other groups represent labor interests, though not necessarily in a unified manner. These same business and labor groups work to get laws passed that help them and to influence the state budget so that its outcome favors their members.

Repeated attempts to curb the spending and influence of special interests have had limited success. Under the free speech rights guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution, courts have repeatedly ruled that limits on campaign contributions are a limit on free speech. This enables large organizations as well as affluent individuals to continue dominating campaign fund-raising (Table 5.1). Californians may be dismayed by the role of huge campaign dollars, but they have not figured out how to end this.

MONEY SPENT BY SPECIAL INTERESTS 2010

California: $716 million

Texas: $234 million

New York: $197 million

Arizona: $36 million (Arizona has “clean money” public financing laws)

Source: http://www.followthemoney.org/database/state_overview

Think Critically: Why is California a place where large campaign contributions are common? Do these large amounts impact public policy? How can people without money for political spending be represented in this system?

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

Other Interest Groups: Less Money but Still a Voice 41

TABLE 5.1

Political Contributions to State-Level Candidates and Ballot Measures, 2010

Sector

Amount Contributed

Number of Contributions

Candidates (to themselves)

$207,338,107 3,927

Labor $76,457,711 10,056 Energy and Natural Resources

$72,333,345 3,623

Finance, Insurance, and Real Estate

$62,301,731 10,644

Ideology/Single Issue $30,831,090 1,147 Communications and Electronics

$30,101,606 4,749

General Business $29,601,840 5,333 Government Agencies, Education, other

$25,930,205 5,295

Political Parties $24,603,809 3,108 Health Industries $18,531,394 9,312 Lawyers and Lobbyists $14,223,529 14,213 Agriculture $6,370,199 3,759 Construction $4,657,759 2,071 Transportation $2,915,278 1,353

Top Donors in Selected Categories Sector

Contributor

Amount Contributed

Energy Pacific Gas & Electric Co. $46 million Insurance Mercury General Corp $16 million Political Party California Democratic Party $17 million Public Labor unions California Teachers

Association $15 million

Source: National Institute on Money in State Politics: Follow the Money, 2010, http://www.follow themoney.org

OTHER INTEREST GROUPS: LESS MONEY BUT STILL A VOICE In addition to the business, professional, and labor groups that spend money to elect candidates and later make contact with elected officials to share their views, California’s political process has enabled less- affluent

42 CHAPTER 5 ■ Media Influences and Interest Groups

interest groups to develop and participate. Such groups, discussed in Chapter 6, include those representing various ethnic communities, environmental organizations such as the Planning and Conservation League, Children Now (which concerns itself with the needs of youth), and single-issue groups such as the California Abortion Rights Action League, Handgun Control, the Fund for Animals, and Surfriders (whose primary interest is in protecting beaches). These groups may not provide much campaign funding, but they often offer volunteers whose election support activities gain credibility for the organization.

In addition to an enormous array of nongovernmental lobbies, government agencies also lobby for their concerns, with numerous cities, counties, and special districts, such as water agencies and school districts, employing paid lobbyists in Sacramento. These government entities often seek funding or other legislative support from the state.

LOBBYISTS IN ACTION: A HIGH-SKILL, HIGH-PAY CAREER The term lobbying arose when those who wanted to influence elected officials would congregate in the lobbies of government buildings and wait to speak with a politician about their concerns. California’s lobbyists, like those around the nation, gradually developed a pattern of wining and dining the politicians as well as giving them gifts and campaign contributions. Periodic scandals in which lobbyists and legislators are convicted of crimes involving trading votes for financial rewards create public demand for reform of the lobbying industry. The 1974 Political Reform Initiative requires each lobbyist to file monthly reports showing income, expenditures, and steps taken to influence government action. This initiative also created the Fair Political Practices Commission (FPPC), which oversees campaigns and lobbying and monitors any possible wrongdoing by candidates or PACs. The Online Disclosure Act (1997) requires all lobbying expenditures to be posted online at http://www.cal-access.ss.ca.gov (a site located within the secretary of state’s Web site).

The most recent successful effort to control campaign spending was Proposition 34 (November 2000). This ballot measure was written and passed by the legislature and then approved by voters. Many political experts question whether the provisions are strict enough and criticize the measure for leaving too many loopholes for wealthy special interests. Meanwhile, the size of average contributions to state Assembly and Senate campaigns increased by one-third.2 Proposition 34 does not control spending by independent expenditure campaigns, in which special-interest groups run ads and send mailers without coordinating their effort with the candidate.

In addition to helping favorable politicians get elected, lobbyists perform an assortment of tasks to achieve their organization’s goals.

Lobbyists in Action: A High-Skill, High-Pay Career 43

Many lobbyists are former lawmakers or legislative aides, whose personal contacts enable them to work successfully in the halls of power. They earn substantial salaries for handling the following:

1. Campaign efforts (primarily financial contributions) to elect sympathetic candidates, especially incumbents.

2. Testimony for or against bills being considered by legislative committees.

3. Informal contacts with lawmakers for purposes of providing them with information, statistical data, and expert opinions on pending legislation.

4. Ads and announcements in newspapers, on Web sites, and through direct mail, which appeal to the public to take a position and convey their views to elected officials.

5. Sponsorship of initiative or referendum petitions to put propositions on the ballot for the approval of the voters.

6. Encouragement of interest group members to write letters or send e-mails to lawmakers regarding particular bills.

7. Organization of protest marches and other forms of public demonstrations.

8. Favorable publicity and endorsements for cooperative lawmakers inserted in the internal publications of the organization.

9. Attempts to influence the appointment (by the governor) of sympathetic judges and administrative officials.

With the passage of term limits (Proposition 140) in 1990, the influence of lobbyists has changed. Before term limits, lobbyists could develop ongoing friendships with legislators, who often spent decades in office. Now, legislators rotate out of office frequently, and lobbyists must quickly develop relationships with newly elected officials and their new staff members. Those newly elected officials may be more susceptible to lobbyists, because lobbyists have much more experience in Sacramento than most new legislators.

Because lobbying still determines the outcome of almost all legislation, Californians who realize how much political decisions can affect their daily lives usually become interested in tracking the impact of lobbying on their elected officials. This involves checking campaign donation records as well as legislators’ voting records in order to find out how a particular group has influenced a specific legislator. Two excellent sources of infor- mation are the secretary of state’s Cal-Access Web site and http://www. followthemoney.org. The best solution for individuals interested in more direct involvement may be to join the interest groups that reflect their values and political concerns. Many lobbies are open groups that welcome new members. These include organizations involved with environmental

44 CHAPTER 5 ■ Media Influences and Interest Groups

issues, ethnic concerns, health care, and many more. (See Appendix A for a directory of organizations anyone can join.) Members receive updates from lobbyists indicating what legislation is being considered and how the individual can phone or write in a timely, informed manner. (See Appendix B for information about contacting elected officials.) Any individual Californian can write a letter or send an e-mail, but the most effective political action comes through organized groups.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. In how many ways do mass media influence political attitudes? Give examples of those influences. Remember that media include both the information media and the entertainment media.

2. What makes a special-interest group powerful? Are there problems with how much power some of these groups have?

INTEREST GROUPS

Viewpoint: Interest groups should remain free from restrictions and engage in campaign contributions and political advocacy in order to ensure multiple perspectives in political decision making.

– Freedom of speech means for everyone, including well-financed groups that may have messages to convey to the public or to elected officials.

– When multiple and diverse interest groups participate in politics, all views ultimately are represented in the dialogue.

Viewpoint: Interest groups must be carefully regulated by government to ensure that well-financed organizations do not dominate the political process. Campaigns should be publicly funded to avoid all forms of interest group financial influence.

– Interest groups vary hugely in their financial resources and the big money players must not be allowed to dominate the political dialogue.

– Reducing interest group dollars and using public dollars for campaigns enables more diverse candidates to enter politics.

– Money is power, and that power must be balanced by fair standards.

Ask Yourself: Am I represented by any organized interest group? If not, what can I do to have a voice in the political process?

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

Endnotes 45

3. Is personal wealth an essential ingredient for individual political influence? If you are not wealthy, what can you do to have a voice in California’s political process?

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

California Chamber of Commerce calchamber.com California’s small businesses are represented by the State Chamber of Commerce, a powerful voice in Sacramento.

California Labor Federation calaborfed.org The coalition of most labor unions in the state is very active in Sacramento.

California League of Conservation Voters ecovote.org Environmental issues are the core of this effective political advocacy group.

Faculty Association of California Community Colleges faccc.org This active Sacramento lobby represents Community College faculty from the 110 California Community Colleges.

Center for Responsive Politics opensecrets.org (tracking money in campaigns) This organization’s Web site can help you figure out who gives what to which politicians.

The China Syndrome, James Bridges, 1979 A thriller about corporate cover-ups when a reporter tries to investigate a dangerous incident at a California nuclear power plant. One of the first movies to explore environmental issues, the role of the media, and the power of corporations.

Thank You for Smoking, Jason Reitman, 2005 An inside look at the life of a tobacco lobbyist, whose job includes a trip to Hollywood to promote smoking in studio films. Fictional, yet almost like reality when it comes to the power of big money interests.

ENDNOTES

1. “Top 10 Lobbyist Employers Ranked from High to Low,” Secretary of State 3rd Quarter Report, January 1, 1999–September 30,1999. http://www.ss.ca.gov.

2. Raymond J. La Raja and Dorie Apollonio, “Term Limits Affect Legislators’ Fund Raising Prowess,” Institute of Governmental Studies Public Affairs Report, University of California, Vol. 40, No. 5, September 1999, p. 3.

46

CHAPTER SIX

Political Parties and Other Voluntary Organizations

The success of the Republican and Democratic parties is gauged by how they do at election time; electing their candidates is their primary focus.

—Ken deBow and John Syer, political scientists

Although most Californians who are registered voters belong to one of the two major parties, a substantial minority have chosen other voting affiliations. About 20 percent of California voters belong to no party (“decline to state” or unaffiliated registration status), and another 5 percent are members of one of the four minor parties, with these numbers increasing each year. Many citizen activists remain almost entirely separate from party organizations and yet are immersed in the grassroots political process through an enormous variety of voluntary associations, some of which, like many Parent Teacher Associations (PTAs), Neighborhood Councils, and homeowner groups, have become highly politicized. Activities that used to require volunteers with time and energy and little political awareness now require participants who understand the intimate links between one’s neighborhood problems or local school issues and the larger California political and budget process. Parents of children in poor performance schools, homeowners concerned about graffiti, and beach lovers whose shores are polluted are among many Californians whose political involvement begins when they collect signatures for ballot initiatives or lobby public officials in an effort to resolve their particular problems.

Meanwhile, despite the small numbers of Californians who participate directly in their political parties or feel any special enthusiasm

Do Parties Matter? The Voters’ Perspective 47

for either party, party affiliations are reflected in the voting patterns of legislators and the track records of governors. On many issues of major public concern, such as traffic and transportation, criminal justice, the environment, and funding for education, the votes of individual legisla- tors may depend more on party allegiance than on any other factor.

DO PARTIES MATTER? THE VOTERS’ PERSPECTIVE California’s tradition of minimal loyalty to either of the two major parties has roots in the state constitution’s rules regarding state employment and elections. California’s civil service system fills 98 percent of all state gov- ernment jobs on the basis of competitive exams, thereby reducing the number of jobs that can be used as patronage to reward supporters of the winning party. Local offices (including city, county, and education boards) and all judicial elections are nonpartisan, with candidates listed by name and occupation, with no mention of party affiliation. The ballot format itself, known as the office-block ballot, lists candidates under the heading of the office being contested rather than in columns divided according to party, and thus encourages voters to concentrate on individual candidates rather than voting a straight party ticket. The nonpartisan nature of most California politics is best understood in terms of the fact that only 179 of the 19,279 elective offices throughout the state are partisan.1

Although the parties are not as well organized or as meaningful to voters as they are in some other states, Californians display some partisan loyalty. Many voters registered in a party still vote for their party’s candidates without much thought, and the enormous amounts of campaign funds spent on media are often aimed at the 25 percent

VOTER REGISTRATION RULES IN SELECTED STATES

California: Voters must register at least 15 days before the election in order to vote.

Idaho, Maine, Minnesota, New Hampshire, Wisconsin, and Wyoming: Voters may register to vote on Election Day.

Source: The Center for Information and Research on Civic Learning and Engagement (CIRCLE), http://www.civicyouth.org/Map.htm

Think Critically: Does voter participation improve if people can register to vote on the day of the election? Why might some people wait until then to decide to vote?

C O M P A R E D T O C A L I F O R N I A

48 CHAPTER 6 ■ Political Parties and Other Voluntary Organizations

of voters who are not registered with either major party and therefore are considered swing votes. Recent Field Poll data indicate that many of the unaffiliated voters are Latinos and Asians with moderate views; Republican Party registration is nearly 80 percent white and Democrats are 55 percent white.2 Table 6.1 shows historic declines in voter affiliation with the two major parties.

Although voters are less tied to parties than in the past, party leaders and elected officials can be intensely partisan, as exemplified by the annual state budget battles between Sacramento’s “Dems” and “Reps.” Differences between Democrats and Republicans show up very clearly on matters such as taxation, aid to low-income Californians, and other major fiscal concerns. As the battle over the 2011 state budget indicates, the party caucuses remained unified: Republicans determined to prevent any form of tax increase and Democrats fighting against cuts to educa- tion and social services. Thanks to Proposition 25 (2010), for the first time in decades, the state budget could be passed by a simple majority. However, taxes may not be imposed without a full two-thirds majority, so the Republican minority defeated all tax proposals and the resulting state budget imposed deep cuts to public education, state parks, services to the disabled, and health care for low-income children.

With all the partisan dissension, it is perhaps no wonder that many citizens register their disapproval by refusing to vote at all or by registering to vote without affiliating with either major party. In the 2010 guberna- torial election, only 44 percent of eligible voters bothered to vote.3

MINOR PARTIES: ALTERNATIVE POLITICAL VOICES Although the state constitution makes it very difficult for minor parties to get on the ballot, California voters manage to show their frustration with the two major parties. Between 1966 and 2011, the percentage

TABLE 6.1

California Voter Registration Patterns, 1950–2011 Democrat (%) Republican (%) Other (%) Decline to State (%)

1950 58 35 1 4 1960 57 38 1 3 1970 55 39 2 4 1980 53 34 3 9 1990 49 39 3 9 2000 46 35 5 14 2011 44 31 5 20

Source: California Secretary of State.

Party Organization: Who Makes the Rules? 49

of voters registered as either Democrats or Republicans dropped from 94 percent to 75 percent.4 Among the other party options are the Libertarian (belief in individual freedom, minimalist government), American Independent (antigay, antiabortion, antitax, pro-God), Greens (environmental issues, social justice), and Peace and Freedom (socialism, democracy, feminism). To attain qualified ballot status, these parties must get 1 percent of registered voters to write in the new party in the “Other” space on the voter registration form or get 10 percent of voters to sign petitions. They remain official parties with ballot status as long as any of their candidates for statewide office receives 2 percent of the vote.

Some of the parties currently attempting to get qualified for ballot status include the Christian Party, the Utopia Manifesto Party, the We Like Women Party, the Constitution Party, and the Reform Party.5 At the moment, none of the minor parties have a candidate in state level office, but there are a handful of Libertarians and Greens serving on local city councils and special district boards around the state.

PARTY ORGANIZATION: WHO MAKES THE RULES? California’s parties are regulated by both state law and their own internal guidelines. The two major parties have similar general structures: a state central committee and 58 county committees. The most powerful nonelected official in each party is the state party chair, although this individual is rarely well known by the general public. Beyond these two  committees, much of party organization is left to each party. Democrats have organized themselves into Assembly district committees, whereas Republicans rely primarily on county committees for their local activities (see Figure 6.1). These activities include recruiting candidates, raising money, registering voters, and supporting party nominees in general elections.

This level of political activity involves only a small fraction of the population. Of the 20 million Californians eligible to vote, only 73 percent have registered, and even fewer actually vote. California’s new “top two” primary system could perhaps encourage more unaffili- ated voters to participate and may reduce party influence in elections. Even before voter registration in the two major parties dropped to its current low (75 percent of registered voters), California’s parties were designed to be weak. In order to overcome the structural antiparty bias of the state constitution, the two major parties attempt to create stron- ger internal structures by promoting clubs or caucuses. The Republican Party’s very conservative Young Americans for Freedom (YAF) has an historic role, while the moderate and well-financed Republicans for a New Majority claim increasing influence. Democrats stay close to their liberal roots through the California Democratic Council, the

50 CHAPTER 6 ■ Political Parties and Other Voluntary Organizations

Democratic Party Organization Republican Party Organization

Executive Board Executive BoardParty Nominees (175)

National Convention Delegates

National Committee Members

Assembly District Committees

Democrat Registered Voters Republican Registered Voters

Electors (54) Electors (54)

National Committee Members

National Convention Delegates

Board of Directors

Party Nominees (175)

State Central Committee

Duties: Elect statewide party

officers, coordinate party activities.

Composition: Similar but fewer appointed delegates by party nominees, election of delegates from county committees and by

Assembly district caucuses, also presidents of Young Democrats and C.D.C.

(58) County Central

Committees Duties:

Local party management.

Composition: Varies in size. Directly

elected from Assembly or supervisorial districts.

(58) County Central

Committees Duties:

Local party management.

Composition: Varies in size. Directly

elected from Assembly or supervisorial districts.

Executive Board

State Central Committee

Duties: Elect statewide party

officers, coordinate party activities.

Composition: State convention members,

delegates appointed by party nominees, national

committee members, chairs of county committees.

FIGURE 6.1 Political Party Organization Source: California Government and Politics Annual.

party’s largest club. Other small groupings include the Log Cabin Club (Republican gay rights group) and the Democrats for Israel. In general, these internal organizations have only an indirect impact on the larger political process.

Perhaps because parties are not very powerful, and because most party activists are unknown and unrecognized, many Californians choose to be politically active without being involved in parties.

OUTSIDE PARTIES: NONPARTISAN POLITICAL ORGANIZATIONS Outside the party structure and party-oriented organizations are a multitude of grassroots groupings that provide the genuine political focus of many Californians. Perhaps the growing popularity of such groups reflects the historical weakness of parties and the current low profiles of the partisan organizations. Or perhaps the issues that con- front Californians daily are best approached through issue-oriented organizations with no absolute loyalty to any party.

Outside Parties: Nonpartisan Political Organizations 51

For those concerned with environmental protection, groups such as Heal the Bay (based in Santa Monica), the Labor/Community Strategy Center (in Los Angeles), the League of Conservation Voters (statewide), and numerous other local and regional groups are in constant need of volunteers’ time, energy, and money. For women seeking greater rep- resentation, the California chapters of the National Women’s Political Caucus, the California Abortion Rights Action League, and the Los Angeles–based Fund for a Feminist Majority all raise money and organize volunteers to get women into office as well as to elect men sympathetic to feminist concerns.

African American and Latino activists are often involved in California affiliates of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Southwest Voter Registration and Education Project, the Mexican American Political Association, and the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund, all of which encourage minority involvement in both electoral politics and community issues. Asian Americans, rivaling Latinos as the fastest-growing minority group, derive much of their political clout from the Asian Pacific American Legal Center, the Asian American Action Fund, and the Asian

POLITICAL PARTIES

Viewpoint: The two major political parties are losing members and political strength because they do not represent the views of voters. Laws should be changed to allow minor parties a real chance to win elections.

– The two major parties do not reflect the political views of many people.

– Voter participation would increase if more parties had a real chance to elect candidates.

– Multiparty systems work well in many stable democracies.

Viewpoint: The two major parties remain useful ways for voters to choose candidates, and the two-party system should be reinforced.

– Multiple parties could confuse voters and reduce voter turnout.

– Some third parties encourage extremism in politics.

– Third parties can be “spoilers” that change electoral outcomes for the worse.

Ask Yourself: Do I know about the political party options beyond the two major parties? Might there be a better “fit” for me than being in a major party?

D E B A T I N G T H E I S S U E S

52 CHAPTER 6 ■ Political Parties and Other Voluntary Organizations

Pacific Policy Institute. All of these groups concern themselves with the ongoing issues of minorities, including access to employment, education, and housing, as well as adequate representation in politics and media.

Other forms of voluntary associations that bring people together include the Bus Riders Union (supporting low-cost public transpor- tation), California Bicycle Coalition, local homeowner and resident associations, Neighborhood Councils, and numerous ad hoc commit- tees that come together for short-term purposes, such as planting trees or preventing unwanted development projects. California’s organized historic preservationists battle to protect architectural and cultural landmarks from demolition, while Neighborhood Watch committees, formed by small groups of neighbors in coordination with local police departments, carry out important tasks such as painting out graffiti, reporting abandoned cars, and keeping track of crime. Voluntary groups whose issues become the focus of widespread concern can ultimately create major changes, such as the “Three Strikes, You’re Out” laws that exist in part owing to the political organizing done by families damaged by violent crime.

Californians in search of the California Dream have two clear options: They can “cocoon” themselves into the privacy of their homes and try to block out the social stresses around them, or they can join other concerned people to work toward improving the quality of life. Literally hundreds of organizations exist through the volunteer efforts of people who want to make a difference. The only limits on political participation are the time and energy of people, who may find that their voluntary political participation soon begins to feel essential. Once the connections between individual problems and the political process are made, it becomes difficult to return to a narrow, nonpolitical life.

QUESTIONS TO CONSIDER

Using Your Text and Your Own Experiences

1. What are some issues in everyday life that are impacted by political decision makers? Discuss the importance of understanding this connection between daily life and politics.

2. How important are political parties? Why is there an increase in people registering under “decline to state” or in a minor party? What other type of organization can people join to express their political concerns?

3. Research the current minor parties, their philosophies, and their leaders. Can you create the framework for another party that should exist in California?

Endnotes 53

ENJOYING MEDIA

Movies to See and Web sites to Explore

League of Women Voters of California ca.lwv.org A nonpartisan organization that attempts to keep politics accessible to the public.

Young Americans for Freedom (Republican) yaf.org A conservative group that often recruits on college campuses.

Young Democrats of California (Democratic) youngdems.org Young Democrats include both college students and young professionals.

Green Party (California) cagreens.org The party that focuses on environment and social justice.

Libertarian Meetup (open meetings) libertarian.meetup.com Libertarians believe in minimal government and have an informal structure for getting involved.

Rated ‘R’: Republicans in Hollywood, directed by Jesse Moss, 2004 This one-hour documentary looks behind the silver screen and examines the political truth about conservatives in Tinseltown. The film presents Hollywood’s most prominent and outspoken conservatives and, through revealing verite scenes, documents the political activities of Hollywood’s revitalized Right.

Bulworth, Warren Beatty, 1998 A cynical comic look at the political process in which a California Senator falls in love with an African American woman from South Los Angeles and begins to campaign using hip-hop music and poetry. His statements portray both major parties as corrupt, and he depicts the entire system as money-driven.

ENDNOTES

1. David G Savage, “Nonpartisan Vote Challenge Voided,” Los Angeles Times, June 18, 1991, p. A3.

2. Field Poll, “California Opinion Index, The Changing California Electorate,” August 2009. http://www.field.com/fieldpollonline/subscribers/COI-09- August-California-Electorate.pdf.

3. California Secretary of State, 2010. http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ sov/2010-general/complete-sov.pdf.

4. California Secretary of State, http://www.sos.ca.gov. 5. California Secretary of State Web site, “Political Bodies Attempting to

Qualify for the June 2012 Ballot.” http://www.sos.ca.gov/elections/ror/ ror-pages/15day-stwdsp-09/non-qual-chairs.pdf.

54

CHAPTER SEVEN

Campaigns and Elections: Too Many?

Money is the mother’s milk of politics. —Jess Unruh, Former California Assembly Speaker

Public officials are normally chosen in a two-step process involving both primary and runoff or general elections. Beginning in June 2012, Californians no longer have partisan primaries for state offices, but instead now use the “voter-nominated” or “top-two” system, which allows for the two highest vote-getters to go into the general election even if both are from the same political party. In this primary system, which covers all legislative, executive, and Congressional races, all candidates for a given elected office appear on one list for voters, and all voters receive identical ballots and vote for any one of the candidates on the list. Candidates may choose not to indicate their party affiliation in these new “top-two” elections. It is believed that this system will continue to diminish the power of California’s political parties and may also increase voter participation among unaffiliated (no party) voters.

Any registered voter may run for an office in the primary by filing a declaration of candidacy with the county clerk at least 69 days before the election, paying a filing fee (unless granted an exemption based on inability to pay), and submitting a petition with the signatures of from 20 to 500 registered voters, depending on the office sought.

In local, nonpartisan elections, such as for county, city, or education board positions, some jurisdictions have sub-districts or wards in which one candidate must get a true majority (50 percent plus one) in order to win. In these cases, if no candidate in the nonpartisan primary receives a majority, the two with the most votes face one another in a later runoff election.

California Politicians: See How They Run 55

For these jurisdictions, an alternative to the primary-runoff system is Instant Runoff Voting (IRV), also known as Ranked Choice voting, now being used in San Francisco and under consideration in Los Angeles, Long Beach, and other cities in order to save election costs and increase voter participation.1 Smaller counties, cities, or education districts that hold at-large elections rarely have runoffs, because the top two or three  candidates for city council or school board win, although none may have gained an actual majority of votes.

In general elections, held in early November of even-numbered years for state and national offices, the ballot includes the top two vote-getters for each office (except for United States President, which still involves a modified closed primary in which the candidate in each party who receives a plurality of votes becomes the party’s nominee) and all propositions that have qualified for that ballot. Most voters still go to the polls to vote, but an increasing number take advantage of vote-by-mail (VBM) ballots to vote at home and mail their ballots, thus saving the time it may take to vote in person. Some small jurisdictions are experimenting with an all-mail election to save the costs of setting up voting locations.2

CALIFORNIA POLITICIANS: SEE HOW THEY RUN It is relatively easy to run for office in California, but to win requires a combination of campaign ingredients that may be difficult to assemble. One of the most important is an electable candidate. Name recognition is important, and the occasional political success of a well-known actor always reminds us that voters like to vote for familiar names, and not necessarily on the basis of political background or qualifications.

Familiar political names can also develop in ambitious families. In Los Angeles, there is the Hahn family (father Kenny was a county supervisor, son Jim was mayor, and daughter Janice served on the city council before being elected to the House of Representatives), and in the Inland Empire, there is the Calderon family, with brothers Tom, Ron, and Charles all serving in the legislature at various times. Similarly, the widows of elected officials are often chosen to replace their husbands, in part because of name recognition. Both Mary Bono Mack (R, Palm Springs) and Lois Capps (D, Santa Barbara) were elected to complete the congressional terms of their deceased husbands and were then reelected on their own in subsequent years. And California is home to the first “sister team” in Congress, Loretta and Linda Sanchez, both of whom serve Southern California districts.

56 CHAPTER 7 ■ Campaigns and Elections: Too Many?

MONEY AND POLITICS: THE VITAL LINK In part because name recognition is so important, and because it takes a lot of money to create that recognition, California campaigns are now so expensive that one of the greatest dangers to democratic politics is that races are often won by the biggest spenders, not necessarily the best candidates. Until recently, incumbents typically had the advan- tage in terms of finances and name recognition, but both term limits and the recent trend toward extremely wealthy individuals spending millions to create name identification have altered the situation. Of course, spending $144 million of her personal fortune did not help Meg Whitman get elected governor, but campaign strategists explain that personal scandal (her allegedly undocumented household help) outweighs even vast sums of money.

Both incumbents and challengers channel many of their campaign dollars to highly paid consultants, who push their clients to raise even more money in order to pay other campaign costs. Much of the money is spent on broadcast media including all the new varieties. The increasing use of the e-mail blasts, text messaging, and tweets to promote cam- paigns is relatively inexpensive but still reaches only a segment of the public, so most campaign strategists do not rely on any one technology to mount a successful campaign. Although TV ads are not efficient because they reach so many nonvoters, they are still essential compo- nents of most statewide campaigns while local candidates try to utilize local cable channels to target voters.

In addition to broadcast media purchases, campaign costs include various consultants’ fees, polling costs, and direct mail to voters. Direct mail has become an intricate business in which experts help candidates mail persuasive literature to target audiences. In tight races, where swing voters may make the difference, one brochure targets conservatives while another appeals to liberals. Another frequent strategy is to avoid mentioning party affiliation in order to appeal to the many Californians who are registered as decline to state. Like other Americans, Californians turn out to vote in proportion to the amount of media attention and controversy generated by an election as well as in relation to how “turned off” they are by negative campaign tactics. Some candidates benefit from a small turnout and help create that outcome by using ads that are intentionally ugly.

Campaign resources now come in two basic categories: (1) direct campaign contributions to candidates as well as to ballot measures, including those office-seekers who self-fund as well as those supported by individuals and interest groups and (2) independent expenditures, money spent by many of the same interest groups that have already con- tributed to a candidate but who wish to spend more to assist their chosen candidate. In 2010, the total of campaign contributions and independent

Elections without Candidates: Direct Democracy 57

expenditures for California’s elections was nearly three-quarters of a billion dollars (“Billion” with a B). Many police officers, teachers, firefighters, and mental health workers in the state would gladly have seen those same hundreds of millions spent on the services they strive to provide. Despite the periodic voter-approved campaign reforms, money is still the major factor in most elections.

The hundreds of millions of campaign dollars come from a variety of sources. The Fair Political Practices Commission, set up by voters in 1974 through the initiative process, keeps records of donations. The   pattern of donations continues to show high spending by special-interest groups, with top campaign spenders including virtually the same list of pressure groups that also lobby Sacramento throughout the year: oil companies, utilities, tribal gaming, telecommunications businesses, banks, agribusinesses, insurance corporations, doctors, lawyers, labor unions, teachers, and prison guards. Political fund-raisers report that an average of 85 percent of the money raised for candidates is the cost of doing business for special-interest groups, with the remaining 15 percent being “love money” from friends and family.3

Although most campaigning is done with dollars, California voters occasionally get a taste of the more personal campaign styles of the past. During election season, those who are registered to vote may answer the doorbell and find a campaign staff member or volunteer coming to chat. Occasionally, the candidate actually visits in person; however, only a candidate who is very dedicated or reasonably well-to-do can afford to quit work to campaign on a daily basis. Automated phone calls (robocalls) or calls made by volunteers are also used, with calls placed to those whose voting record indicates they are likely to vote.

ELECTIONS WITHOUT CANDIDATES: DIRECT DEMOCRACY Our federal system is a representative democracy in which voters elect officials to make decisions for them. The federal system has no form of direct citizen decision making: Every decision is made by elected officials. However, states may choose to develop their own forms of direct democracy, in which voters may bypass elected officials to make laws themselves or even to remove elected officials from office. California’s direct democracy was created by the Progressives of the early 1900s as part of their strategy to bring political power back to the people, and Californians have made ample use of this opportunity. California’s constitution ensures that the state’s voters can make laws, amend the state constitution, repeal laws, or recall elected officials through the ballot box.

The most commonly used of the three forms of direct democracy— the initiative, referendum, and recall—is the initiative (see Figure 7.1).

58 CHAPTER 7 ■ Campaigns and Elections: Too Many?

The initiative permits registered voters to place a proposed law, or statute, on the ballot through petition signatures equal to 5 percent of the votes cast in the last election for governor (the current required number of valid signatures is 504,760). Similarly, voters may propose amendments to the state constitution (which requires 8 percent to get onto the ballot, or 807,615 signatures). Petition circulators are given 150 days in which to gather signatures. The secretary of state receives the petitions and evaluates whether enough valid signatures have been collected. If there are enough signatures, the measure is given a proposition number and can be approved by a simple majority in the next election. Because of the high costs of qualifying an initiative and promoting its passage, the large majority of initiatives on the ballot are written and promoted by organized special-interest groups, which usually pay professional signature gatherers to qualify propositions to appear on the ballot.

Less frequently used are referendums, of which there are two types. One type allows voters to repeal a law passed by the legislature. Owing to the requirement that all signatures must be gathered within a mere 90 days of the legislation’s passage, this type of referendum has rarely appeared on the ballot. The second type of referendum is one submitted to the voters by the legislature rather than by petition; this is most frequently used for bond measures.

The third component of direct democracy, the recall, is a device by which voters can petition for a special election to remove an official from office before his or her term has expired. Unlike impeachment, which is initiated by the elected legislative body, recall efforts begin with petitions by registered voters (often mobilized by a special-interest group’s dollars). Recall attempts are more common than actual recall elections: prior to 2003, there were 35 recall efforts against California governors, but none obtained enough signatures to get on the ballot. Then the recall drive against Gray Davis, fueled largely by Republican Darryl Issa’s millions,

1912–19

30

8

35

10

1920–29

37

11

1930–39

20

6

1940–49

12

2

1950–59

9

3

1960–69

44

21

1980–89

49

18